HOUSING PROJECTS AS MODERN CITY PROJECTS: THE HOUSING OF THE IAP IN GREAT SÃO PAULO

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1 1 5 t h I N T E R N A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G H I S T O R Y S O C I E T Y C O N F E R E N C E HOUSING PROJECTS AS MODERN CITY PROJECTS: THE HOUSING OF THE IAP IN GREAT SÃO PAULO CAMILA FERRARI 1 IAU Instituto de Arquitetura e Urbanismo USP, São Carlos camila.ferrari@usp.br ABSTRACT This work is designed to demonstrate how, between 1930 and 1964, it were built in Great São Paulo, through Institutos de Aposentadoria e Pensões (IAP)2, housing for the working population whose significance went beyond a dwelling project, appearing as modern city projects. Created in 1933, with the primary purpose of providing pension and medical benefits to employees, the IAP were responsible, until their ending in 1964, for much of the housing production designed to meet the needs of economically disadvantaged populations in the country. Considerable portion of these houses was produced by professionals that, by incorporating the understanding of a "new urban residence", created housing complexes that were part of a whole new vision of the city. The concern over the location of housing was, among other issues, common to several projects, in which it is possible to identify concepts of modern urbanism as the construction of buildings in varying heights and supported by pilotis, the search for better ventilation and lighting in the apartments, the necessity of providing green areas, services and community facilities. The modern proposal appears thus, in the residential complexes of IAP as a tool capable of solving the social needs of the working population and not only as housing project, but also as city project. THE MODERN DESIGN: HOUSING AND CITY The constitution of the industrial city in the early nineteenth century is a fundamental factor for confirmation and development of the first great social division of labor, this is, the separation between town and country, motivating many urban proposals in the years that followed the Industrial Revolution and that later culminated in modern urbanism, in the passage to the twentieth century. Since the early nineteenth century it was sought to overcome the separation between town and country while controlling the negative aspects in the urban centers post-industrial Revolution. Governors, doctors, philosophers and engineers attempted to overcome the problems caused by the lack of hygiene and also the poor living and working conditions of the proletariat. The commitment of these professionals has resulted in 1 Apoio FAPESP (Bolsa de Mestrado Processo 2010/ ). 2 Institutes of Retirement and Pensions. 1

2 C i t i e s, n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y numerous proposals aimed at improving the situation of urban environment, extended to the precarious situation in which the population lived. One group of these professionals worked with individual questions related to the development of the industrial city and sought to solve or fix up the problems separately, not focusing on connections between these and other questions, without a global view of the city. These experts were "municipal leaders, churchmen, doctors and hygienists who, supported by facts and figures, denounced the state of physical and moral deterioration in the urban proletariat houses" (Choay, 2007, 05 - our translation), put into practice new health laws and organized specific associations for health and housing issues. Another group has addressed the problem of the industrial metropolis as a whole, designing urban ideal models as an alternative to the existing city. These theorists sought to start over again, opposing to the industrial city not only totally planned new towns, but also new forms of social life and politics. Among the idealists, Robert Owen and Charles Fourier stand out for the influence they had on urban models of many other professionals. These proposals generally took into account aspects such as the precarious conditions of hygiene and health at streets and houses, the alienation of workers separated from their means and objects of production, the frequent disorder in the streets outlined in the medieval period, where pedestrians and motor vehicles competed for space. The machine was considered as the greatest villain, but also the possible salvation to the harm it caused to the cities, so that the logic of the factory was reflected in the design of new homes, traffic routes and even in the urban space as a whole. The last years of the nineteenth century are the heyday of the industrial age and technological innovations happen within chemical, electrical and oil industries, including the development of means of transportation such as aircrafts and ships powered by steam; supplies are mass produced and there are new methods for food preservation. Among the new researches there were also those that influenced the construction processes, new materials such as steel and concrete, and communication tools such as the telephone and the elevator, which would allow the construction of buildings with multiple floors. At this moment in history the urban population surpasses the rural population, so that the importance of the cities increases. According to Benévolo (1994), in Western Europe urban facilities such as water and sewage networks, electricity and gas, beyond the metropolitan railways, accompanied industrial growth becoming, however, early in the twentieth century, obsolete when confronted with new problems such as rapid urban growth and design of new cities. The early twentieth century is marked by debates about the new possibilities, as well as the new requirements of the cities and the man who inhabits them. Industrialization and its effects on society provided keys to the problems of architecture and urbanism. In general, urban planners and architects from many countries had their references in industrial rationalization as a way to overcome the traditional forms of city and housing, defined henceforth as obsolete and not adapted to receive the new technologies.

3 1 5 t h I N T E R N A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G H I S T O R Y S O C I E T Y C O N F E R E N C E After the First World War the problem of homelessness rose in almost all European countries due to the damages caused by battles or mainly by higher construction costs, lack of materials or importation difficulties during the clashes. In each country it would be required State intervention to solve the issue of housing for the working classes, and the streamlined processes and proposals coming from modern architecture and urbanism widely adapted to this demand. Among the architects and urban planners working in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century there are the experiences of those who would be the firsts to make city projects that would later be called modern cities, on which many other proposals would emerge: Ebenezer Howard, Walter Gropius, Le Corbusier, Bruno Taut and Ernst May. Ebenezer Howard supported a dimension for facing the industrial city in which he proposed in opposition to the metropolis a garden city, which would restore the lost balance between the virtues of rural and urban. Among its features stand out the streets design as the contours of the terrain, the conformation of large green areas and centered public services, and the concern about the hygiene of housing, especially as seen in its insulation and ventilation. The same concern appears in the urbanism defended by Walter Gropius, which however was based on the concepts of standardization and prefabrication, by advocating the reconciliation between city and country in cities with populous centers and vertical constructions in order to obtain the proper amount of light and air. The architect designs the Siedlungen, collective mass-produced housing in lowheight buildings with domestic community services as the ideal solution to meet the demand for housing in Germany. Le Corbusier in contrast, highlights the benefit of tall buildings with great density as a way to revive the badly occupied and populous city. One of the most relevant features of his proposals regards to the view that architecture and urbanism are inseparable, suggesting that the project should range from the houses and extend to the plan of the city. He emphasizes subjects such as circulation, functional zoning of the city, lighting and ventilation of dwellings, access to green areas and community services that would help the social development of the population. The standardization of dwellings also appears after 1924 in several German cities as a way to overcome the housing deficit in the post-war. Bruno Taut designed more than 14,000 dwellings in various housing projects in Berlin, and Ernst May produced in Frankfurt approximately 15,000 homes in the large peripherals complexes, the Gross-Siedlungen, elongated blocks of houses deployed in rows oriented in the same direction, rotated every space, according to the undulations of the ground equipped with schools, shopping centers and restaurants. HOUSING PROJECT IN BRAZIL In contrast to Europe, in the nineteenth century there were no great technological or industrial developments in Brazil, what would happen in the first decades of the twentieth century. In this sense, the concerns that affected the European cities, due to industrialization and urban reorganization, population increases and pollution of the urban environment, were not yet experienced in the Brazilian cities, which were in the nineteenth century, except the capital Rio de Janeiro, still sparsely populated 3

4 C i t i e s, n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y and dependent on an agrarian economy. Even in the capital, further developed after the arrival of the Portuguese royal court to Brazil in 1808 when it held a favored economic position in relation to other Brazilian cities, the concern about the malfunction of the urban space would be felt only at the end of that century, just as in other smaller settlements. This concern would fall upon the precariousness of urban sanitation and the overcrowding of the cities, both aggravated by increased European immigration. Although the similarity with the European industrial metropolis this malfunction of the cities would be first observed in Brazil when urban activities became intense due to the expansion of coffee culture, and not industrialization. By this time, according to Correia (2004) the lack of adequate housing started to be recognized as a problem: there was not enough housing for the large population that came to Brazilian cities, which required to be quickly provided, since it was believed that the lack of housing could be a barrier to urban growth, if the increased supply of labor decreased by not having where to live. These early decades of dwelling production to low-income population in Brazil was mainly marked by company towns and private production of houses largely rented by the workers. Until the mid-1930s, according to Correia (2010, 20 our translation) the workers' dwellings "rarely had the participation of specialists - architects or engineers - when elaborating plans and architectural designs." Among the exceptions figure those cases when the company intended to exert greater control over their workers, justifying the project of complexes as Vila Maria Zelia (Companhia Nacional de Tecidos de Juta), built by George Street in 1919, in São Paulo. At the beginning of Getulio Vargas government in 1930, another strategy would be adopted in the production of affordable housing. Amid the proposal of social reorganizing, housing appears as a way to modify the conditions of the working class, introducing new habits and a modern way of life that would break with the country's backwardness expressed in underdevelopment, ignorance, social injustice and archaic low-quality production practices. The house is seen as a crucial element in the reproduction of labor power and therefore as an economic factor in the industrialization strategy of the country, and, moreover, as an element in the ideological, political and moral formation of the new Brazilian worker (Bonduki, 1998). The Vargas age marked the rise of social housing in Brazil. The chairman promotes the regulation of living conditions of workers, including the reorganization of social security system by elaborating from 1933 Institutos de Aposentadoria e Pensões (IAP), which in the meantime gained strength and support from the State to implement the pension funds of contributing workers in acquisition and construction of housing that aimed the needs of national proletariat. However, it was only in 1937 that it would be created the legal conditions for a more vigorous action of the IAP in housing area (Bonduki, 1998). The Institutes produced, mainly from 1937 to 1964, approximately 124,000 housing units. The housing provision was in Vargas dynamic, understood as a State function and therefore it was expected mass production that would meet the demand in large cities, a proposal which would be largely benefited by the modern logic of rationalization. The understanding of modern housing made the programs include "a range of collective facilities, spreading the idea that housing could not mean

5 1 5 t h I N T E R N A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G H I S T O R Y S O C I E T Y C O N F E R E N C E simply isolated houses" (Bonduki, 1998, our translation), and that dwelling and city projects were inseparable. "In these housing, it were concretized the ideals of protection and overall control of the employee, creating a space where their free time was fully engaged in educational and recreational activities sponsored or controlled by the State, moreover, their landlord. The image of the paternalistic State reached its apex. In addition to regulating relations between capital and labor, nationalizing the pensions system, interfering with the unions, linking them to the Ministry of Labor, and establishing the Labor Court, the government edified the living space of the worker, rented it in frozen values for employees affiliated to IAP and set up a structure of social facilities who kept the workers and their families entertained. [...] To the new man to be created, it was necessary to shape a new space, a new concept of living, a new architecture: the modern one." (Bonduki, our translation). It were then acquired or constructed housing complexes that have taken so far unthinkable dimensions, since some of the projects had about 2,000 dwelling units, which would count on clubs, gyms, schools, cinema and other services. Until then, the economic houses produced by private renters or by the industrialists for their workers followed the layout of individual or twinned homes without any concern about equipment, services and recreational areas. "There was no very idea of social housing." (Bonduki, 1998, our translation). Also, in addition to IAP housing, workers villages continued to be built by companies and took in the mid-1930s a new character as "the growing participation of urban planners developing plans and architectural designs for these sites." It s noteworthy the project to Monlevade, a company town organized in 1937 by Lincoln Continentino for Belgo-Mineira Co., which was also attended by architects Lucio Costa and Angelo Murgel. It stands out in the plan "a mixture of modern and traditional construction techniques - structure of concrete and mud walls, cement tiles and bamboo liners"; the utilization of principles that could also be recognized as modern, which used to rule the spatial organization of ancient company towns: dispersion, neutralization of the streets, affordable, hygienic and protected dwellings, the positioning against the street as a place of conviviality, the influence of the company in the furniture and decoration of houses, the design of spaces and buildings for communal use, the proposal of mass collective housing (Correia, 2010, 20 - our translation). It occurs in the next decade the development of "plans, architectural designs or projective recommendations of housing for companies state or private of great importance for the economy" (Correia, 2010, 20 - our translation), among which the project to Volta Redonda (CSN), designed by Attilio Corrêa Lima in 1941, and his paper to Cidade dos Motores (FNM), held in In Volta Redonda it also highlights the recovery of historical aspects of workers villages that are, in this case, associated to modern urbanism, such as the large amount of green spaces and rigid functional zoning. The paper to Cidade dos Motores, according to Correia (2010, 21 - our translation) "was an attempt to translate under the speech and the proposals of the Modern Movement for city and housing especially regarding to mass collective housing practice requirements in the construction of workers' villages", besides indicating modern concepts which should be present in the plan of the city, subsequently developed by TPA architects Joseph Lluis Sert and Paul Lester Wiener in

6 C i t i e s, n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y THE HOUSING OF THE IAP Observing the paths taken by different architects, theorists and urban planners through the history of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, it s possible to establish common ground between the various so-called modern approaches and also among those that preceded and helped shaping the modern movement. The proposals had first in common the motivation: overcoming the negative results of social division of labor represented by the urban-rural dualism, and from this point, exhaustively detailed urban plans took place, propositions which move toward and move away as the ideals of individual authors. The industry is a great villain but at the same time a possible rescue to the cities. With this, medieval city is destabilized, the environment is degraded and the working population is subjected to subhuman conditions; with this, a new city can arise ordered, efficient and humane. In the twentieth century the cities should hold their own industrial revolution: a modern city should be in its "structure a huge social machine" (Hilberseimer, 1963 cited by Tafuri, 1985, 71 - our translation); "it is not enough to systematically employ new materials, steel and concrete, allowing a change of scale and typology, it is necessary to obtain the modern efficiency, to attach methods of standardization and mechanization of the industry." (Choay, 2007, 20 - our translation). Circulation is understood as a function that connects the other urban functions such as housing, work and leisure, without which it is understood that the modern city does not work. The medieval street had become ineffective after the Industrial Revolution, since it was not sized to accommodate both people and the huge influx of vehicles. The broad and orthogonal modern road, differentiating the flow of vehicles and pedestrians ensured the efficiency of the plan, and at the same time, improved means of transportation optimized the use of these routes and consequently, of the whole city. The hygienist question raised since the first half of the nineteenth century was reflected in the modern city of the twentieth century with the proposition of disappearance of the old houses deployment side by side along the street. The modern urbanism proposes isolated individual homes on large cultivated lots or large collective buildings away from each other, allowing the passage of light and air and whose implementation was given in a large green surface that served as background for the design of the entire plan. But the big question of the Modern Movement, as well as of the projects developed in the post-industrial Revolution that preceded them, the issue that connected architecture and urbanism in the same thought, was the housing. Aymonino (1972, 52 - our translation) ensures that "if the new city can not be taken as a whole, it will be formed mechanically in time, as the accommodation needs are settled: a modern residence will condition until transform the modern city". The house was taken over in modern urban planning as an essential factor for the reorganization of the city, the minimum living element from which it would naturally establish other urban functions.

7 1 5 t h I N T E R N A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G H I S T O R Y S O C I E T Y C O N F E R E N C E "The cell is not only the first element of the production chain, but also the element that determines the dynamics of the clusters of buildings. [...] While infinitely reproducible, conceptually embodies the first structures of a chain of production [...]. "(Tafuri, 1985, 71 - our translation). The residence for these architects is also inseparable from equipment and services that complement the function of housing. Schools, hospitals, libraries, sports facilities and concert halls, among other services, were included in the various programs of cities, always close to housing areas where residents could use their free time and develop physically and culturally. The grouping of housing, services of all kinds and traffic routes make up the local neighborhood, the main structure of the modern city. "The research into the residence does not end on housing scale, but extends on the scale of the neighborhood, and leads to individuate other functional elements that comprise a number of houses and a number of services: housing units minimum projectable element of the city." (Benévolo, 1983, our translation). The housing units assume since the first projects of utopian cities two versions: the clustering of single family homes and the disposition of apartments in large collective buildings. Although the latter proposal is the most addressed by modern planners to be considered more efficient in the plan, the two versions appear in housing produced in both Europe and Latin America, for example, in the housing complexes undertaken by IAP in Brazil. "Modern architecture is the search for a new city," says Benévolo (1983, our translation). This assumption is confirmed facing the enormous importance given by modern architects to design both dwellings which, as pointed Le Corbusier, belong to the field of architecture, as the street, the neighborhood and the city where this dwelling will be, which belong to the field of urbanism, confirming his idea that architecture and urbanism should be inseparable. By analyzing the housing of IAP it is possible to list characteristics recognized as concepts of the Modern Movement in architecture and urbanism spread through the International Congresses of Modern Architecture between architects and planners from all continents. It s noteworthy the work of the engineer Rubens Porto at the Ministry of Labor indicating modern principles for the housing of IAP like the design of big independent sets near the working places, the communal facilities, the construction of collective buildings with limited height, the use of pilotis, the rationalization of construction methods and the design of home furnishings (PORTO, 1938). It must be noted the concern in providing the population with the necessary infrastructure not only to live, but also to carry out daily activities, through the installation of services such as schools, sports areas, clinics, shops and cinemas, current in the housing of IAP, as well as in the projects of other modern cities. As an example, it is noteworthy the design for Conjunto Residencial Várzea do Carmo (IAPI)3. In addition to numerous residential buildings there were proposed community facilities such as schools, restaurant, club, movies and bus station to be built on the fringes of the area and incorporated to the general plan. There were also a hotel and trading rooms, designed to assist not only the residents, but also the 3 Várzea do Carmo Housing IAP of Industrialists. 7

8 C i t i e s, n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y people from abroad (Figure 01). Varzea do Carmo "illustrated the direction which IAPI tried to print to their housing, i.e. the search for a rich infrastructure that serving the sets would allow them some self-sufficiency and guarantee its integrity in relation to the ownership by the occupants." (Bruna, 1983, our translation). Figure 01: Nabil G. Bonduki (Brazil, 2009). Perspective of Conjunto Residencial da Várzea do Carmo (IAPI), 1942, virtual modelling, 160x200mm. The laminar design of buildings with low-height, with approximately four floors, was a constant in a series of housing produced by IAP. Their disposition was generally associated with better insulation and often the topography of the land, following the contour lines. The deployment of the buildings was carried out to create open spaces between them that would ensure not only adequate lighting and ventilation to the apartments, but also the formation of large green areas, in which it could take place the socialization of residents through recreation spaces such as sports facilities. In some of the housing it can also be observed the elevation of buildings over pilotis, liberating the ground for a continuous free plan, which allowed the use of this space for circulation, and as meeting areas. Although these features are recurrent in several projects, we can take the example of Conjunto Residencial da Mooca (IAPI)4. The project included, in addition to a big park in the center of the complex, large wooded areas between the buildings, in which there could be carried out community activities, extended to the buildings, released in part over pilotis, which gave the aspect of a gallery to the ground level (Figure 02). 4 Mooca Housing IAP of Industrialists.

9 1 5 t h I N T E R N A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G H I S T O R Y S O C I E T Y C O N F E R E N C E Figure 02: Camila Ferrari (Brazil, 2011). Conjunto Residencial da Mooca (IAPI), 1946, color digital photo, 200x150mm. It should be noted that the concern about the hygiene of housing for the working population was present in the design of residential sets of IAP, so that these spaces would ensure not only the reproduction of labor power, but also the physical and mental health of the proletariat. Thus, both the offer of leisure and culture, as the existence of green areas contribute to this housing to be considered appropriate to house the workers. It is added to this the concern about the dwelling units themselves, that in many cases were highly optimized in order to offer residents hygienic and functional homes, with both standardization of units and building materials, and also home furnishings. Another concern in these projects covered the place where they were implanted, especially regarding the distances between living and working places of the resident population, and the paths and natural movements they performed. It was frequent the use of land near the city center, or in neighborhoods where there were industries, such as the two complexes in Mooca neighborhood (IAPI and IAPETC5), although many complexes have also been built in expansion areas, with estimation of means of transportation that would facilitate the movement of workers, such as Conjunto Residencial Vila Guiomar (IAPI)6, in Santo André (Figure 03), at the time on the outskirts of São Paulo, and Conjunto Residencial Santo Antonio (IAPB)7, in the northern area of the city, then still mainly occupied by farms. Bruna (1998, 82 - our translation) draws attention to the emphasis with which it was intended to manage the usage of urban land by allowing the use of central terrains, high-value properties, for the construction of affordable housing "at a time in which the cities grew rapidly and speculation overlapped to any urban planning." 5 Mooca Housing IAP of Employees in the Transport and Cargo. 6 Vila Guiomar Housing IAP of Industrialists. 7 Santo Antonio Housing IAP of Bank employees. 9

10 C i t i e s, n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y Figure 03: Cintia Pessolato (Brazil, 2007). Conjunto Residencial Vila Guiomar (IAPI), 1940, black and white photo, photocopy, 254x153mm. [Conjunto IAPI Vila Guiomar - Santo André - SP: Projeto e História. Dissertation, 2007, 126]. Besides the project of collective buildings with low-height, other kinds of residential buildings stand out in housing of IAP. This is the case, for example, of single-family homes in cultivable lots implanted as the relief, on curvilinear streets which guaranteed the low speed of vehicles near the dwellings; such type was used in Vila Guiomar, for example, associated with laminar buildings over pilotis (Figure 03). Another type was the housing unit represented by very upright residential buildings which brought together not only housing but also services; this kind is associated, for example, to Conjunto Residencial Japurá (IAPI)8 (Figure 04). Figure 04: Eduardo K. de Mello, (Brazil FAU-USP collection). Aerial view of Conjunto Residencial Japurá (IAPI), 1940, black and white photo of modeling, photocopy, 254x165mm. The most used dwelling type at the housing of IAP, that is, a set of multifamily buildings, allowed the design of high-density large-scale housing, like Conjunto Residencial Santo Antonio, with 1,302 dwelling units (Figure 05). Housing programs were organized like autonomous cities, with local traffic routes, pedestrian streets and common services. Bruna (1998, 82 - our translation) points out that the housing policy of Vargas period, particularly through IAP, by the construction of "multifamily housing, rationally designed and built" indicates full knowledge by the State of "technical difficulties and materials implied in this process, which ended up 8 Japura Housing IAP of Industrialists.

11 1 5 t h I N T E R N A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G H I S T O R Y S O C I E T Y C O N F E R E N C E allowing a better cost / quality, achieved by streamlining the design and construction methods. Figure 05: Ankoflex (Brazil, 2003 Condominium Santo Antonio Collection). Conjunto Residencial Santo Antonio (IAPB), 1951, color photo, copy,190x280mm. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS Upon being appointed to design affordable housing, as well as other professionals have done before and contemporaneously, the architects involved with designing the residential complexes of IAP could put into practice the modern concept that it was not enough to offer the population a simple place to live, without other everyday activities such as supply and study. The State itself, understanding the need to guarantee the reproduction of labor power as a way to increase state industry and ensure the desired development to the nation, gave the basis for the construction of most of the complexes that were conceived, as shown in president Vargas' speech from 1938: "The workers' houses, built by [ ] IAP in several states are still in small number and high price in relation to the possessions of employees. I have instructed the Ministry of Labor so that, without prejudice to the isolated buildings, where they become suitable, studies and designs large complexes of modest and comfortable homes. I recommended for that, the acquirement of large areas of land and, if necessary, to expropriate the most advantageous; to proceed to the evaluation of these, taking into account the means of transportation for these sets; to rationalize the construction methods; to acquire the materials directly to the producer, everything so as to obtain for the lowest price, the best house." (Bruna, 1998, 81 - our translation). As a result, Institutos de Aposentadoria e Pensões produced not only dwelling units, but large housing with parks, shops, community services and recreation and leisure facilities, where it took place the concern about hygiene and overall efficiency, real prototypes of modern cities. REFERENCES AYMONINO, C. Orígenes y Desarrollo de la Ciudad Moderna. Barcelona:Gili, BENÉVOLO, L. História da Arquitetura Moderna. 3 rd ed. São Paulo:Perspectiva,

12 C i t i e s, n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y BENÉVOLO, L. História das Cidades. São Paulo:Perspectiva, BONDUKI, N. G. Origens da habitação social no Brasil. Arquitetura Moderna, Lei do Inquilinato e Difusão da Casa Própria. São Paulo:Estação Liberdade:FAPESP, BONDUKI, N. G. Habitação social na vanguarda do movimento moderno no Brasil. Seminario de Expertos en América Latina y Cataluña para Debatir La Conservación y Futuro de la Vivienda Social Moderna, Barcelona, BRUNA, P. Os Primeiros Arquitetos Modernos. Habitação Social no Brasil São Paulo:Free-TeachingThesis, FAU-USP, CHOAY, F. O Urbanismo. 3 rd ed., São Paulo:Perspectiva, CORREIA, T. B. A construção do Habitat Moderno no Brasil , São Carlos:RiMa/FAPESP, CORREIA, T. B. Patrimônio Industrial e Agroindustrial no Brasil: a forma e a arquitetura dos conjuntos residenciais. 2 nd Seminário de Patrimônio Agroindustrial, São Carlos, PORTO, R. O Problema das Casas Operárias e os Institutos de Aposentadoria e Pensões. Rio de Janeiro: n/e, TAFURI, M. Projeto e Utopia. Lisboa:Presença, 1985.