Cover Page. The handle holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation

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1 Cover Page The handle holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation Author: Said-Zammit, G.A. Title: The development of domestic space in the Maltese Islands from the Late Middle Ages to the second half of the Twentieth Century Issue Date:

2 Chapter 4 THE MALTESE HOUSES: LITERARY SOURCES, NOTARIAL ACTS, TRAVELOGUES AND THE NATIONAL CENSUSES Always design a thing by considering it in its next larger context - a chair in a room, a room in a house, a house in an environment, an environment in a city plan. (Saarinen 1956: 3) 4.1 Introduction While the previous two chapters of the thesis looked at settlement evolution and at the development of the Maltese houses during the period under study, Chapter 4 and the following one explore the native dwellings through a sample of literary and artistic sources. This chapter is divided into four sections. The first part uses a sample of local literary works to study how Maltese writers and poets described the native dwelling and its internal spaces. The second section examines the house through several notarial contracts, while the following one explores the foreigner s perceptions on the Maltese house through a sample of travelogues. The last part investigates different local housing issues through the national censuses. The information acquired through these sources is, therefore, important for this thesis to get a more complete picture not only about the different types of Maltese dwellings, but also about their occupants. 4.2 The literary sources The Maltese house has been a source of inspiration for a number of local poets and writers. The literary works considered in this section, which collectively include fourteen pieces, cover a period of approximately five hundred years. The poems are composed by Pietro Caxaro (c ), Felix Demarco (born 1713), Paul Xuereb Cordina (second half of the 19 th century), Joseph Delia ( ), George Zammit ( ), and Anton Buttigieg ( ). The prose pieces are authored by Paolo Bellanti ( ), Themistocles Zammit ( ), Ninu Cremona ( ), Joseph Orlando Smith ( ), Anton Buttigieg, Joseph Diacono ( ), and Joseph Cassar Pullicino ( ). These works explore the house from various aspects, which collectively contribute to the formulation of a broad picture encompassing the house as a structure as well as a place of human habitation. Certain works refer to specific parts of the house, while others provide more detailed descriptions about housing conditions during particular times. In others, the house symbolizes the unity of the family. 151

3 Xidew il-qada (or Cantilena), a late fifteenth-century poem in Maltese by Caxaro, is the earliest known piece of writing in the Maltese vernacular as well as the earliest piece of local literature which refers to the house. The poem s significance lies in the fact that, apart from its poetic value, it was written in the native language by a notary, whose family belonged to the local late medieval nobility. This shows that the native language was not confined only to the lower class natives, but was spoken and written by at least a section of the local elite (section above). It also gives us the earliest indication as to how fifteenth-century Maltese was written. The poet narrates a personal story of misfortune which is probably related to his personal career or the end of a love affair. Caxaro compares this story with a house which was built on weak foundations and crumbled down. From this poem, the following points emerge: a) the poet refers to the house ( imrammti ) five times; b) the house took a long time to be built ( lili zimen nibni ); c) the dwelling was built on weak foundations ( me chitali tafal morchi (I found loose clay) and ma kitatili li gebel (but the rock gave way)); d) the poet also refers to the building s foundations ( Nizlit hi li sisen (its foundations have collapsed)). The reference to mihallimin is interesting, because it suggests that during this period houses and buildings were built by professional stonemasons. The fact that a house probably took a long time to be built may hint at the type of tools or equipment the stonemasons used in late medieval times. Caxaro formed part of the local nobility, therefore this poem could also be a reference to the type of dwellings the urban elite occupied in the town centre which, given their size, took a long time to finish (section 3.4 above). Houses built on solid foundations could stand for a long time, but those built on weak foundations ( tafal morchi, literally meaning soft clay) were more likely to crumble down easily. The phrase tafal morchi is probably a direct reference to the blue clay which, due to its soft nature, is neither suitable for construction purposes nor to serve as a base on which a building can stand. Incidentally, Mdina was built on a layer of clay, and the historical evidence shows that, when it was hit by an earthquake in 1693 many buildings collapsed because of its great magnitude and also because of the weak foundations on which the city still stands (Bonnici, Gatt et al. 2008: 99). This description is perhaps inspired by the biblical passage (Luke VI: 49), which states: But someone who listens and does nothing is like the man who built a house on soil, with no foundations; as soon as the river bore down on it, it collapsed. A nineteenth-century poem by Xuereb Cordina, entitled Kitba taż-żwieġ (A Marriage Contract), is inspired by a fictitious notarial contract to describe the dowry that a certain girl, possibly the daughter of a well-off family, was going to receive for her marriage. Its second part is perhaps the most relevant, because it describes the real estate property included in the dowry. The poem mentions two houses, one in Valletta and the other in Sliema. The descriptions suggest two elite or upper middle class residences, examples of which have featured prominently in the previous chapter. While the first house bears all the characteristics of a Knights period townhouse in Valletta, 152

4 the second one is a nineteenth-century dwelling, possibly similar to the Neo-Classical houses which became so popular in Sliema during this period (sections 3.5 and 3.6 above). This poem imitates an earlier work entitled Izzueg la Maltia (A Maltese Wedding), composed by Demarco in The reference in the latter poem to a dove house ( palumbara ), a room for a donkey and a hencoop ( gallinar ) are a clear indication that this house is a common peasant dwelling. The poems by Demarco and Xuereb Cordina are amusing poems that would be recited during Carnival, in a skit known locally as the qarċilla, where a mock notary would read a mock marriage deed. Two twentieth-century works that refer to specific parts of the house are Tiftakar? (Do you remember?) by Delia and L-Ilwien (Colours) by Buttigieg. In the former Delia describes the moments when he and another person used to spend their evenings on the roof of the house to enjoy the sunset. The various functions of the flat roof, being also a place where the family members socialized, have been described in the previous chapter (section 3.3 above). Buttigieg refers to the common tenements ( kerrejja ) of Ħamrun. The poet is inspired by the different colours that embellish the windows and balconies of these houses. He states that these were painted every year in preparation for the village feast (religious indoor and outdoor celebrations in honour of a patron saint). Although the evidence of Chapter 3 showed that living conditions in these dwellings were difficult, it seems that the occupants, at least those who could afford it, did their utmost to keep their homes in a good state (section 3.6 above). George Zammit composed at least three poems which refer to the house. Is- Sardinella (Geranium) describes a rural courtyard house, which had an open staircase leading to the għorfa upstairs. In another, Il-Għanja tas-seba Għerien (The Song of the Seven Caves), Zammit refers to a number of caves in Malta, some of which were utilized in the past for human habitation. These caves are no longer inhabited, and therefore this poem can possibly be a hint to the steady decline in cave habitation during the first half of the 20 th century, as the historical evidence indicates (section 3.6 above). In his poem Il-Mitħna tar-riħ (The Windmill) the same poet celebrates the significance of this building which, according to section 3.5 above, was prominent between the 17 th and the early 20 th century. The house was also a source of inspiration for various local prose writers. The selected extracts consider the house from various aspects, some making a simple reference, while others providing more detailed descriptions. For example, in a short story Themistocles Zammit refers to a house in Lija which was situated in a small square. The windows had wooden louvered shutters painted in green. This description suggests that the house was situated in the village centre and, on the basis of the evidence of Chapter 3, was probably occupied by a rural elite family (sections 3.5 and 3.6 above). In another story, Iż-Żarbun tad-dardanelli (the Dardanelles Shoes), Buttigieg writes about a village house in Gozo, which had a staircase leading to a għorfa upstairs. The space under the staircase was used to keep some animals, probably chickens or goats, a common practice at that time among the island s rural community. In his story L-Ewwel Jum tal-gwerra (The First Day of War), Diacono describes a three-roomed house in Rabat where he and his family sheltered during the Second World War. This 153

5 rural building consisted of two rooms in a row, followed by another one reached by a flight of steps. The description of the houses in both stories complements the analysis of the previous chapter (section 3.6 above), which shows that during the first half of the 20 th century many peasant families still lived in small and simple houses. The remaining four extracts provide us with more detailed information about the house. For example, in his story entitled Żjara lil Ħabib f Raħal (Visit to a Friend in a Village) Cremona describes what appears to have been a lavish house. Its façade, dominated by a timber balcony, was embellished by several architectural details, columns, as well as ornate door and window frames. The author s description suggests an eighteenth- or a nineteenth-century elite house which, according to sections 3.5 and 3.6 above, was probably situated in the village centre. In fact, the house owner was a notary. Bellanti uses his story Ġawhra Moħbija (A Hidden Gem) to describe a small rural abode. The author also mentions and describes its contents and furniture. The importance of this extract lies also in the fact that Bellanti uses technical words related to the building industry, many of which are hardly ever used today, for example raff (attic) and xulleliet (squared stone blocks with only one side dressed, usually a damaged block used in a double wall). The description of this poor dwelling, inhabited by a young widow and her three children, suggests that all cooking activities were conducted outside, while the għorfa served as the family s habitation quarters (Figure 4.1). Some of the furniture items included a bed, a chest, a chair, a cross and a holy picture. This narrative throws light on the quality of life of the local peasantry between the second half of the 19 th century and the first half of the 20 th century, suggesting that living conditions among the destitute were difficult. Apart from the poor quality of the furniture, this family did not have a place in the house where cooking was done. Another short novel with a similar theme, Anġla tal-ħelu (Angela the Sweet Seller) by Cassar Pullicino, refers to the bad state of preservation by which certain lower class houses were characterized. In this case, when there was heavy rain, Angela s house got flooded with water. The furniture of this dwelling was old and minimal. The last extract to be reviewed is Il-Mandraġġ (The Manderaggio), authored by Orlando Smith. The relevance of this novel lies in the details that the author uses to describe everyday life in the Valletta common tenements. He describes these dwellings as il-qabar ta nies ħajja (the grave of living people) to remind us of the difficult life that the dwellers of these common tenements had to endure. The author also refers to the lack of hygiene, adequate ventilation, lighting and individual privacy by which these houses were characterized. The observations that emerge from the last three extracts touch upon various aspects related to the quality of life of the urban and rural poor: the type and quality of the furniture, the dwelling s state of preservation, lack of ventilation, amongst others. These coincide with the results acquired from the previous two chapters, which examined the local social organization as well as the type of dwellings that the lower class inhabitants usually occupied during this period (sections 2.4 and 3.6 above). The selected literary pieces, which cover a relatively wide period, from late medieval to contemporary times, provide a plethora of information about various types 154

6 of houses which belonged to different social classes: palazzi and townhouses, rural courtyard houses, common tenements, cave-dwellings, amongst others. Collectively, these literary works provide various snapshots on the house as a structure as much as it was a place of human habitation. The fact that the houses referred to in these literary works cover most of the period under study and include different social classes from the elite to the destitute has been helpful to acquire a more comprehensive picture. 4.3 The notarial acts A reference to the importance of notarial records in our understanding of the Maltese house has already been made in Chapter 1 (section above). This section uses a sample of contracts, some of which have been published (for example, Fiorini 1996; 1999a; 2005), to explore the house from a legal perspective. These encompass a wide range of legal transactions, including dowries, wills, donations and exchanges of property. The sample covers the whole period under study, with the earliest examples being datable to the second half of the 15 th century and the latest to the first half of the 20 th century, as indicated in Table 4.1 below. The degree of detail varies from one document to the other. Certain contracts provide just a simple reference to the house, or to parts thereof, whilst others are more detailed, and therefore the information acquired is more stimulating. The first point of relevance concerns the house type. Some of the common general terms used to describe a house include domus (house), tenimentum domorum (a house), locum habitabilem (a habitable place), domuncula (small house), and casalinum (small house) (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 10-i-1497: R494/1 f. 44v-45v; Bernardo Azzopardi 6-x-1630: R99/85 f v; Giovanni Domenico Camilleri 4-x- 1639: R134/1 f. 830v-832). Sometimes the notary provides more specific details to describe the house; for example, the term hospicium domorum denotes a townhouse, while palaciolo refers to a sumptuous house (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 7-ii-1487: R494/1 f. 61v-62; 1-xi-1499: MS 1132 f. 32). The late medieval notaries often refer to courtyard dwellings which, according to our previous analysis (section 3.4 above), suggests that this was probably a common house layout. There were two types of courtyard houses: those with an independent courtyard ( domum cum suo cortile ) and individual tenements organized around a common central courtyard ( cortile domorum ) (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 13-vii-1496: R494/1 f. 9v-10; 11-x-1496: R494/1 f. 30). Another point of relevance concerns the house locality. All the reviewed contracts refer to the town or village in which the house was situated. However, some provide more detailed information, for example the street. For instance, a late fifteenth-century contract refers to a house in Mdina: hospicium domorum situm et positum in ruga que dicitur Harit il Muelij civitatis Melite (a townhouse located in a street called Harit il- Mueli in the town of Malta), which means the street of the lords (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 2-iv-1487: R491/1 f. 83v). The same street was also known as Il Hara Tauyle, which means the main street (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 9-xii-1496: R491/1 f. 39). These 155

7 references concur with the analysis of Chapter 3, which revealed that in late medieval times and in the Knights period the elite lived in the town centre along the main streets (sections 3.4 and 3.5 above). Others provide details about the boundaries of the property being contracted (Acts Paolo Bonello 18-ix-1467: MS 588 f. 18v). Table 4.1 Sample of notaries Notary Giacomo Zabbara Paolo Bonello Nicola de Agatiis Ferdinando Ciappara Bernardo Azzopardi Domenico Camilleri Giovanni Azzopardi Giovanni Borg Tomaso Vella Aloisio Grech Carmelo Farrugia Paolo Carbonaro Giovanni Mifsud Rosario Frendo Randon Oscar Azzopardi Period Late 15 th century Late 15 th early 16 th century Early 16 th century 16 th century 17 th century 17 th century 17 th century 17 th century 18 th century 18 th century 20 th century 20 th century 20 th century 20 th century 20 th century Certain contracts also provide a description of the house, for example the number of rooms or the use of specific rooms. For instance, a late fifteenth-century contract which records the sale of a house in Mdina states that the house included a hall, a kitchen, a courtyard, a bakery and basement rooms (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 15-iii-1496: R494/1 f v). In another contract, a house in Rabat included a courtyard, a kitchen and a millroom (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 17-xii-1496: R494/1 f. 39v-40). The presence of a bakery and a millroom implies that the owners of these houses carried out some small-scale industrial activity, for example the production of bread or flour. Certain houses included also a storeroom or a warehouse (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 1-xi-1499: MS 1132 f. 32). An early twentieth-century contract records the division of property which included four adjacent houses in Qormi. It provides the number of rooms for each tenement together with a short description on how the internal spaces of each house were organized. For instance, each house had two rooms at ground floor level, a small kitchen, and a courtyard with a water cistern and an open staircase which led to two rooms upstairs (Acts Paolo Carbonaro 24-ii-1923: PA 1/1923 f.1-4). Another detail that features in a number of contracts concerns the number of floors. For example, the term domum terraneum indicates a single storey house (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 10-x-1482; MS 1132 f. 34), while a house with several floors was usually referred to as solerata. For example, a sixteenth-century contract records the 156

8 sale of a solerata house in Birgu with four storeys and two courtyards (Acts Nicola de Agatiis 26-x-1543: R202/8 f v). Other contracts refer to the piano inferiore (ground floor) or the piano superiore (first floor) of the house (Acts Paolo Carbonaro 24-ii-1923: PA 1/1923: f. 1-4). Further indications that certain houses had more than a single floor are found in phrases or words such as subctanis (the underlying rooms) or sub scalis (under the staircase) (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 15-iii-1496: R494/1 f v; 1-xi-1499: MS 1132 f. 32). That animals and humans often lived within the same complex, particularly in the rural settlements, is substantiated by several descriptions which mention houses with animal barns ( mandrette, mandrichelle and mandra ), stables ( stalle ), and/or apiaries ( alvearia ) (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 11-v-1496: R494/1 f. 1; Nicola de Agatiis 16-viii-1540: R202/4 f ; Bernardo Azzopardi 29-iv-1640: R99/83 f ). Some contracts also use technical terms to refer to specific features of the house, for example the siqifa and the miglis (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 7-ii-1487: R494/1 f. 61v-61; 9-viii-1487: R494/1 f. 116v). Such terms remind us of houses with Oriental style architectural features which have been studied in section 3.3 above. Given that in these contracts the above terms occur in the context of townhouses, denotes that such architectural features were possibly more common in the urban settlements than in the villages. A common term used to describe the first floor room (or rooms) of a farm or a village house is gurfa (għorfa in modern Maltese). This is a further evidence to our previous analysis (section 3.3 above), suggesting that by the late Medieval period twostorey dwellings existed in the urban centres as well as in the rural settlements (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 3-xii-1494: R494/1 f v). Another fifteenth-century contract refers to four houses, one of which was situated in Mdina. Two other houses are described as j Dar il Kibire et Sihyre (the big house and the small house) (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 9-iii-1487: R494/1 f. 72v-76). Apart from the fact that this document provides a general indication about the size of the two houses, it also gives us an insight into the native language used in fifteenth-century Malta. In another contract the notary provides the measurements of a house that had to be built in Birgu. The house measured 4 canes in length (approximately 8.4 m) and 14 palms in width (approximately 4.2 m), with fifteen courses high on the rear and fourteen on the front; the house had to include a door, a window and a cupboard (Acts Nicola de Agatiis 26-iii-1540: R202/4 f. 148v-149). The houses that feature in thirty contracts also included a piece of land (or some fields) adjacent to them ( galca or galce ). It is interesting to observe that houses with adjacent fields occurred in Malta s rural areas as well as in the urban settlements (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 7-ii-1487: R494/1 f. 61v-62; Nicola de Agatiis 16-viii-1540: R202/4 f ). In some instances the house also included a cave ( gripta ), which possibly served as a place for animal shelter (section 3.4 above). In our analysis of the quality of life during the period under study, the house type featured as an important indicator of social class and economic wealth (sections and above). The documentary evidence intimates, for example, that most of the late medieval and Knights period palazzi featuring in these contracts were similar to 157

9 those that were studied during the house surveys or in the Cabrei (see, for example, Acts Nicola de Agatiis 4-viii-1536: R202/3 f. 81v-84v). However, the house was also a symbol of value. It appears in all types of contracts: dowries, wills, exchanges of property, lease or sale agreements, and donations. Sometimes the house served also as a debt guarantee. Houses were contracted by the elite and also by the common people. There are instances when only a part of the property was given away in dowry, willed away, purchased, sold, exchanged or leased. For example, a late fifteenth-century contract refers to a transaction which concerned partem ex hospicio domorum... siti et positi intus civitatem predictam (part of a townhouse... situated in the mentioned town) (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 15-iii-1496: R494/1 f. 38v-40). An early twentieth-century contract refers to the division of a property which included a house and a part of its courtyard (Acts Paolo Carbonaro 24- ii-1923: PA 1/1923 f. 1-4). Dowries and wills are also important because apart from the descriptions about houses, they provide us as well with an insight into what was generally given in dowry to the future bride or what was likely to be willed away by the testator. The degree of wealth expressed in such contracts depended on the social status of the person(s) concerned. For example, the dowry of a young noble lady included immobile property (lands and houses), fine quality clothes, linen, kitchen and tableware, fine quality furniture, slaves and money (Acts Nicola de Agatiis 22-v-1540: R202/4 f. 212v-214). Gold and jewellery were also considered as a symbol of wealth, and therefore these also appear in various wills and dowries (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 13-iv-1486: R494/1 f. 7; 30-xi-1486: R494/1 f ; Paolo Bonello 10-xi-1508: MS 588 f v). A common girl s dowry was usually more limited and could include a sum of money, clothes and linen, kitchenware, some furniture and animals (Acts Bernardo Azzopardi 6-x-1630: R99/88 f ). Contracts are also important, because they provide evidence about the monetary value of the house during different periods. The price or the lease of a house depended on various factors, for example the size, its location, and whether it included any adjacent land. Houses, or parts thereof, were leased for a period which varied between one and four years (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 7-ii-1487: R494/1 f. 61v-62; Nicola de Agatiis 6-v-1539: R202/3 f ). The quality of the real estate property that was purchased during this period depended much on one s income. When comparing the value of the real estate property in Malta with an average person s wage during the period under review (Cassar 1988: 100; 2000: 56-57), the pattern that emerges suggests that such property was a real investment that not everyone could afford. For example, an averaged-sized dwelling in 19 th century Malta would have cost around 1,000, while the average wage of a skilled labourer amounted to about 6½ pence daily, most of which (approximately 70%) had to be devoted to daily family subsistence (Cassar 1988: ). The house was occasionally the subject of legal disputes between two or more parties. For example, in 1486 a certain Cataldus de Rigio sued the Gozo università when the latter blocked up one of the windows of his residence at the Castello (Acts Giacomo Zabbara 30-x-1486: MS 1132 f v). 158

10 The contracts analysed in this section refer to a variety of dwellings: the elite houses, the lower class urban dwellings and the peasant abodes. In fact, about 33% of these contracts were concerned with rural houses, while the other 67% referred to urban dwellings. However, the latter group included a variety of houses which reflect different social classes, from the elite to the urban poor. All categories of people appear in these records: nobles and Knights, persons in senior administrative positions, professionals, businessmen, clerics, common people and peasants, which therefore make our analysis of the Maltese house more interesting, holistic and reliable. In the absence of these notarial records our picture about the Maltese house would have been incomplete. 4.4 Travelogues Information about Maltese houses also comes from a number of travelogues written by visitors or foreigners who resided in Malta for a particular period of time. This sample of works covers the period under study, the earliest being datable to the first half of the 16 th century and the latest to the mid-20 th century. The observations made by these visitors are sometimes generic, while others provide more detailed descriptions about the house and its contents and dwellers Sixteenth- to eighteenth-century travelogues The earliest account that refers to the Maltese house is authored by Quintin and was written in 1533, at a time when the Knights of St. John had settled in Malta for only three years. The author was struck by Birgu, where in 1530 the Order established its headquarters. He refers to the poor state of the Birgu houses, claiming that they are falling into ruins; they are buildings without attics and their roofs are covered with tiles and reeds (Quintin 1536: B2). The use of roof tiles is confirmed by several notarial records and by various illustrations included in the Cabrei of the Order, indicating that this type of roof construction survived locally till at least the 18 th century (section 3.3 above). In the same account the author makes a general reference to the houses of the suburbs, without however providing any description, and states that the rest of the local dwellings are like African huts. This description is ambiguous and is open to various interpretations, as our analysis of the medieval houses suggests (section 3.4 above). Quintin (1536: B4v) also refers to cave habitation, claiming that in the Maltese islands there were several troglodyte communities. This complements our analysis of the medieval dwellings, which suggests that cave-dwelling in medieval Malta was a widespread phenomenon (section 3.4 above). Although the author makes no reference to the palazzi of Mdina or the Gozo Citadel, his map suggests that these were similar to each other and that those of Birgu and the Citadel were separated by fields or open spaces, as confirmed by a number of late medieval notarial records (see previous section). A detailed description about the cave-dwelling of Għar il-kbir is provided by Kircher, who was in Malta in He describes this cave settlement and how the 159

11 dwellers organized themselves. He refers to their rooms and spaces, the animal pens, ovens and storage spaces (Kircher 1678: 119). Kircher also describes the type of food that the cave dwellers consumed, stating that they did not eat any meat since they kept it for sale. In the caves they also kept different animals. According to Kircher, this cave-dwelling was inhabited by a large community, with each family having its own quarters. That this settlement was occupied by various families during this period is confirmed by different historical sources (section above). He also refers to specific gender roles, saying that while the peasant men worked in the fields, their wives prepared cheeses and conducted other domestic chores. Kircher s description was a source of influence for Van der Aa s famous engraving, which depicts the cave dwellers of Għar il-kbir welcoming a group of visitors (Figure 1.8). Although this engraving is based on the artist s own imagination, the information derived therefrom is still of particular relevance, because it gives us a visual insight into the everyday life of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century troglodytes and how they potentially organized the internal spaces of their cave-dwelling. Skippon, who visited Malta in 1664, describes the houses in Valletta as generally low built, and all flat-roofed, the roofs have a flat plaister, whereon they [the Maltese] sleep in the summer nights in the open air (Skippon 1732: 619). The reference to the use of the flat roof of the house as a place where the family members enjoyed some of their time together is substantiated by other contemporary and later authors, suggesting that this was an old common tradition (section 4.2 above). Skippon s observation about the Valletta houses also concurs with the evidence of Chapter 3, which shows that most dwellings, at least those in the town centre, maintained certain uniformity in their elevation (section 3.5 above). During his stay in Malta Skippon also visited the main urban centres and certain villages. For example, the author describes the houses of Ħaż-Żebbuġ as low built (as they are in all the villages) and flat-roofed, and most of them without windows towards the street and highway (Skippon 1732: 622). This description tallies with the evidence presented in the previous chapter, which suggests that many rural dwellings of this period were low built and generally characterized by an introverted exterior. Our analysis has demonstrated that many village or farmhouses consisted of a single floor and generally included a għorfa upstairs (sections 3.3 and 3.4 above). Brydone visited Malta in His memoirs, consisting of a series of letters, refer to the island s country houses as well as to the parish churches which dominate most villages. He was also struck by the city of Valletta, its palaces and fortifications. The splendour of the island led the author to describe it as an epitome of all Europe (Brydone 1808: 183) Nineteenth-century travelogues The nineteenth-century visitors who wrote about Malta were all struck by its fortifications and magnificent harbours. They usually provide descriptions about the main settlements of the islands, referring in particular to their churches, palaces and other notable buildings (Cockburn 1815; MacGill 1839; Shaw 1875). These writers also 160

12 refer to the local inhabitants, their native language and traditions, while sometimes they provide descriptions about houses, farming methods and products, as well as popular legends. As regards houses, the available information varies in its degree of detail. Some authors limit themselves to general statements, while others provide more details. For example, Cockburn (1815: 52, 58) refers to the native houses as well built, with every contrivance against the heat. This statement complements our previous observations which showed that the Maltese houses were built in a way to ensure a comfortable microclimate during different seasons (section 3.3 above). According to Badger (1838: ), many houses are characterized by several doors and windows, while their façade is usually dominated by an open or closed balcony. Apart from the flat roof, several houses also include a cistern for rainwater collection, something also observed by Davy (1842: 168). The extroverted character of the buildings described by Badger suggests that these are probably urban or rural elite houses. The lower class urban and peasant rural dwellings which have been analysed during fieldwork and in the Cabrei of the Colonial government were usually far less elaborate and more introverted (section 3.6 above). Angas (1842: 16) refers to the importance of the internal courtyard which served as a place where females generally sit and spin, or employ themselves in needle-work. This indicates that until the 19 th century, at a time when houses still lacked electric current, the central courtyard still had a very important function, where women carried out part of their daily work. He also states that the roof was a place where the members of the family used to socialize, particularly during summer evenings. That this tradition emerges in various other travelogues and local literary works indicates that this was a common practice among many Maltese families for a long time. While in Malta, Angas visited also some farmhouses. Once, he had the occasion to have lunch with a rural family, where in the same house there lived four generations of relatives (Angas 1842: 39). Unfortunately, however, the author provides no details about the dwelling s interior. The author also visited the Manderaggio in Valletta, an area characterized by substandard habitations: the streets are composed of winding streets... forming a complete labyrinth; and the houses... are so high, that the light of the day is almost entirely excluded (Angas 1842; 56). This description is interesting, because it gives us an insight into the living conditions of the lower class urban families who dwelled in this area. The historical evidence has revealed that during this period about 12% of the Valletta population lived in this type of environment (section above). These dwellings lacked not only lighting, but also proper ventilation and air circulation. This environment was often conducive to the spread of contagious diseases, especially when considering that many houses lacked a proper sewage system and a drinking water supply (Cassar 1988: ). The narrow streets of the Manderaggio referred to by the author contrast with the wider ones of the Valletta centre. This indicates that while the regulations issued by the Knights in the second half of the 16 th century for the building of Valletta were strictly followed insofar as the urban centre was concerned, these were not adhered to in the poorer areas which developed at the periphery (section above). 161

13 Lacroix visited Malta in the first half of the 19 th century. He visited various places and commented about different points of interest, for example on the islands antiquities and monuments, the native language and traditional costumes. Concerning the local dwelling, Lacroix states that the different types of houses reflect the social status and economic wealth of their owners (Lacroix 1848: 27), something which our analysis has similarly demonstrated (sections and 3.6 above) (Figure 4.2). Senior (1882: 241) estimates that a new house in Malta during the second half of the 19 th century cost around 1,000 to be built, noting that the building materials are excellent and abundant, labour is cheap, and our masons are good. He also describes a house in Valletta with a typically Victorian set-up, consisting of three large drawing rooms, a dining room, a study and a library on the first floor, and a garden at the rear. This type of domestic space organization features in the various nineteenth-century elite dwellings that were surveyed locally (section 3.6 above). Ballou, who visited Malta in the late 19 th century, was fascinated by the elite houses of Valletta, saying that their rooms are quite large and lofty, insuring good ventilation (Ballou 1893: 135). He was also amazed by the way the local stone was dressed. His description of a typical townhouse in Valletta (Ballou 1893: 145) tallies with the observations made in the previous chapter, which analysed the early modern house on the basis of fieldwork and the Cabrei (section 3.5 above) Twentieth-century travelogues The two twentieth-century selected works also provide some interesting snapshots about the Maltese houses. The earlier of these is authored by Shepherd, who lived in Malta for some years. The importance of this work lies in the several descriptions that he makes about urban houses. His description of a townhouse in Valletta suggests that until the early 20 th century certain urban dwellings were probably still influenced by a Victorian layout (Shepherd 1928: 49-50). For example, he states that the study, the drawing rooms and the bedrooms were all located upstairs. He also comments that the houses of well-to-do families were usually packed with furniture and all sorts of decorations, something which the author describes as crowded, fussy and yet austere (Shepherd 1928: 50). The author also refers to a courtyard house in Mdina. He is amazed by the size of the rooms and by the various corridors that separate them, believing that one might wander about those corridors, and in and out of those vast chambers, for a week on end, and never recover your tracks (Shepherd 1928: 198). On the basis of our house surveys (section 3.4 above), this description reminds us of the Mdina palazzi, for example Falson Palace, which also have similar characteristics. Shepherd (1928: 50) also comments on the lower class dwellings, stating that many poor families lived in stables or in small houses. This observation has also emerged in sections and 3.6 above, which showed that in the first half of the 20 th century many poor families still lived in substandard accommodation, especially in the Harbour urban centres, and that in the rural settlements the presence of humans and animals within the same house complex was still a common practice. 162

14 Harry Luke, who was Lieutenant-Governor of Malta just before the Second World War, was also amazed by the beauty of these islands. He refers to the rural elite houses as solidly built in good substantial Baroque architecture (Luke 1949: 168). The author additionally makes reference to the peasant dwellings, characterized by their introverted façade. Luke s descriptions complement our observations made in the previous chapter, which revealed that from the late 17 th century onwards the centre of the major villages was usually inhabited by a group of rural elite whose dwellings of Baroque style were located close to the parish church, while the rural families lived in simpler and introverted dwellings built outside the village centre (sections 3.5 and 3.6 above). The list of travelogues is far from exhaustive. There are several other visitors or foreign residents who wrote their memoirs about Malta, such as Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Lord Byron and Charles Meryon. However, this analysis provided some interesting snapshots as to how foreigners viewed the Maltese islands and their inhabitants during different times. 4.5 The national censuses The national censuses are another important source of information in our study of the Maltese houses. Local population records have been carried out since the late Middle Ages (for example, in 1240, 1590 and 1632), however those predating the 1842 census were often concerned with the local demographic situation and were conducted for taxation purposes, for securing certain privileges of the inhabitants, or to record the local production and stocks of wheat. Whilst the pre-1842 historical records are more concerned with providing population estimates, the post-1842 national censuses, which were conducted on an almost decadal basis, delved into various issues which regarded not only population and settlements, but also accommodation and housing, the level of education, health aspects, employment and standards of living. The fact that the national censuses became legalized and organized according to established scientific methods meant that the information derived therefrom became more detailed and reliable. Thus, the information acquired from these censuses about housing in the Maltese islands is restricted to a period of about one hundred and twenty years, from 1842 to This section uses the national censuses that were conducted during the period under study to explore various aspects related to local housing, for example demographic trends and population density, categories of dwellings, and the person per room index. The six census regions referred to in this section are those established by the National Statistics Office (Malta). These are Gozo and Comino, North Malta, West Malta, North Harbour, South Harbour, and South-east Malta (Figure 4.3). 163

15 4.5.1 Demographic trends, population density and family size One of the reasons why national censuses are conducted on a regular basis is to take stock of the local population of a country at a particular time. Figure 4.4 shows how the population of the Maltese islands changed during the period under study. This chart shows a general increase in the local population, from about 10,000 persons in 1240 (this year provides us with the earliest population estimate of the Maltese islands) to 314,126 inhabitants in However, there were moments when this registered a sharp decline, for example in the Great Siege of 1565 and during the Second World War. The post-1842 censuses are also important because they provide population and family figures per town or village as well as per census region. On the basis of the islands surface area it was possible to calculate Malta s population density, which will help us to analyse the impact that the local population had on land use at a particular time. Figure 4.5 shows that, on a general note, the local population density continued to grow, except for those periods in which the islands were affected by war or mass emigration. The censuses also measure the trends in family size. Figure 4.6 illustrates how the number of families in the Maltese islands changed between 1851 and In 1851 there were 29,405 families, by 1901 this increased to 41,760 and reached a total of 76,418 families in Figure 4.7 provides information about the change in family size, showing that in a period of about one hundred years (between 1851 and 1967) fluctuations in the local family size remained generally in the same level, ranging between 4.2 in 1851 and 3.97 persons per family in 1967, the latter being the average family size in post-independent Malta. While the former average family size lies within the European mean for the mid-19 th century (4-5 persons per family), the latter exceeds the average family size in Europe for the 1960s (2.5 persons per family). This indicates that although in the early sixties the Maltese government adopted new economic strategies based on manufacturing and the service industry, which brought more women in full-time employment, the family size remained stable, contrary to the demographic transition in various western European countries, where industrialization caused a drastic drop in the fertility rate, hence in the family size (Pearce, Cantisani and Laihonen 1999: 38; Rydell 2003: 13-15) Vacant and inhabited dwellings The censuses give us detailed insights on how many dwellings were inhabited during a particular period. Figure 4.8 indicates that the issue of vacant dwellings in Malta and Gozo was widespread, since on a national level the number of such dwellings tended to increase from one census period to the other. There are various reasons why dwellings could have been vacant, for example the owners could have migrated to other countries or the last occupant had passed away and the house could not be disposed of due to inheritance issues. The number of vacant dwellings was particularly prominent between 1881 and 1911, which coincides with a period of mass emigration to other countries. There was a significant decline in the number of vacant dwellings between 1931 and 1957, which presumably relates to the higher demand for accommodation after the 164

16 Second World War, when many houses were damaged or destroyed by enemy attacks. There was again a drastic rise in the number of vacant houses between 1957 and 1967, which potentially concurs with another wave of mass emigration, when many families left these islands in quest of better opportunities abroad (Cassar 1988: 99). Figure 4.9 uses the census data to illustrate the number of inhabited dwellings in the Maltese islands, which increased from 23,954 in 1861 to 74,079 in The highest percentage record of inhabited houses was reached in 1957, when 93.74% of all the local dwellings were registered as inhabited, which therefore complements the data of Figure 4.8. Through Figures 4.8 and 4.9 it was also observed that between 1957 and 1967 there was an increase in the number of inhabited and vacant dwellings. Although seemingly contradictory, this could be explained by two main causes. Apart from the emigration issue, which potentially brought an increase in the number of vacant dwellings, our evidence of Chapter 3 has revealed that during this period the established urban centres experienced a demographic decline, with many families preferring to live in new residential areas. Consequently, several houses in the old town centres ended up vacant or else were converted into offices or commercial establishments (section 3.7 above). Therefore, when compared to the number of inhabited dwellings in Figure 4.9, the rise in vacant dwellings between 1957 and 1967 potentially reflects those houses that were owned by families who emigrated to other countries and also those belonging to families who migrated to the new residential areas which developed in different parts of the Maltese islands. It is possible that several of these vacant houses could have been rented dwellings which remained unoccupied Categories of dwellings In the national censuses dwellings are grouped according to different categories. For example, in the 1851 census these were classified as: comfortable houses, middle class houses and poor houses, but in those of 1861 and 1881 they were divided into seven, more clearly defined categories: houses, houses for the poor, palaces, mezzanines, single rooms, villas and caves. Between 1891 and 1931 the categories of dwellings were reduced to four: houses, common dwellings, farmhouses and single rooms, while from 1948 onwards they were classified into: houses, flats, rooms and others. This redefinition of house categories is interesting, for it could possibly be related to the issue of social class; the use of the generic term house instead of villa or palace, for example, could have perhaps been intentional to obscure the concept of class. Figure 4.10 illustrates the number of dwellings by category between 1891 and It shows that the most common category consisted of houses with more than a single room. This was followed by single-room dwellings and farmhouses, while common dwellings were the least represented. This chart is interesting, because it shows the government s persistence in eradicating substandard housing, as our analysis in Chapter 2 (section 2.4 above) suggests, and probably also the aspiration of several Maltese families to live in more comfortable accommodation. Although during this period there was not yet a system of compulsory education and illiteracy among the 165

17 Maltese was rampant (Cassar 1988: 107), the government s incentives to encourage more children to attend school led to a relatively more literate young generation. Those who continued with their secondary education, and perhaps with their university training as well, at least those who could afford it, had the opportunity to find a job with a better pay, for example with the civil service. As the evidence of Chapter 2 suggests, a higher level of education led to more social mobility and to a better quality of life, including more improved housing conditions (section above). This same figure demonstrates that habitation in common dwellings remained at approximately the same level, while there were still families living in single-room dwellings, which substantiates our evidence in Chapter 3 (section 3.6 above). In the rural settlements some families still lived in farmhouses. Therefore, Figure 4.10 indicates a tendency towards an improved quality of life, which contrasts with the mid-nineteenth-century situation, when more than 40% of the local families lived in substandard accommodation. Figure 4.11 compares the number of dwellings between 1948 and Houses were the most prominent in both census periods. However, the 1967 figure should include the maisonettes as well, which became so popular during this period among many middle class families; unfortunately these, like other dwelling types, are included under the umbrella heading houses, and therefore it is not possible to determine their exact number. However, our field surveys and settlement analysis have shown that the development of new urban and suburban areas in various parts of the island from the sixties onwards led to the building of several ground floor or first floor maisonettes (section 3.7 above). The house surveys likewise showed that apartments also became a popular middle class accommodation. Apartment blocks were built in several towns and villages as well as in various new residential areas. The popularity and perhaps the affordability of this type of dwelling, especially for low middle class families, are reflected in Figure 4.11, which shows a significant increase from 4,149 in 1948 to 32,091 apartments in The government s decision to allow the building of various apartment blocks in different towns and residential areas was to accommodate lowincome families in more comfortable dwellings. Single rooms appear in 1948 but not in 1967, suggesting that by the latter census period there were probably no more such dwellings Occupancy and the person per room index Census data are important since they provide an insight into how the available domestic space affected family life. They also throw light on other related issues such as hygiene, privacy and communication. Figure 4.12 shows that between 1891 and 1967 there was a general increase in the number of families living in dwellings with five rooms or more, indicating a trend among many Maltese to live in more comfortable dwellings. Another interesting pattern that emerged concerns the period between 1931 and 1957; although the number of inhabitants living in single-room dwellings continued to decline between 1891 and 1931, this increased again by Moreover, whilst the number of inhabitants living 166