2 House Conditions in the Public Sector in Northern Ireland

Transcription

1 2 House Conditions in the Public Sector in Northern Ireland Introduction: Housing in Northern Ireland Before coming to consider the findings of our analysis of the Public Sector Maintenance Survey (PSMS), it will be helpful to review some general features of the structure and condition of housing in Northern Ireland in both the public and private sectors and to describe how conditions have changed in the recent past. A considerable amount of data on house conditions in Northern Ireland in now available as a result of recent House Conditions Surveys (HCS). Surveys of house conditions in Northern Ireland have been conducted in 1974, 1979 and 1984, and, besides allowing us to make comparisons of how conditions have improved during that period, we are also able to make comparisons with house conditions in Great Britain. Table 2.1 compares conditions in the total housing stock (including both the public and private sector) of Northern Ireland, England and Wales and shows that the housing stock in Northern Ireland is of a lower standard than elsewhere on all three key indicators commonly used in house conditions surveys. In Northern Ireland in per cent of the total housing stock was considered unfit for human habitation compared with 6.2 per cent of the stock in England and 8.8 per cent in Wales. However, the overall condition of the housing stock in Northern Ireland has been improving in recent years and at a faster rate than in the rest of the UK. Table 2.2 shows changes in house conditions 1

2 Housing between 1974 and It can be seen that over the ten year period between 1974 and 1984 the number of statutorily unfit dwellings had been cut by almost a half while dwellings lacking at least one basic amenity (defined as hot and cold water at three points, a wash hand basin, a fixed bath, an inside toilet and a sink) had fallen by almost two thirds. Despite this improvement, there has been an increase in overall levels of disrepair. Changes in house conditions in Northern Ireland in the recent past have been summarised in the following way: "Different rates of change in the conditions categories have resulted in a redistribution of Northern Ireland s housing problem between 1979 and 1984 which indicates a general improvement in housing conditions in spite of the inherent stability in the number of unsatisfactory dwellings...these improvements in the worst housing conditions have however been counterbalanced by a significant increase in disrepair among dwellings which are otherwise in reasonable condition." (NIHCS 1984, p15) Table 2.3 shows variations in house conditions by tenure and age of property for It can be seen that unfitness is unevenly distributed across different tenures with almost one half of all unfitness being in the private sector. Unfitness is also largely confined to houses built prior to With regard to the tenure distribution of unfitness the Housing Executive has commented: "Within tenures the private rented unfurnished sector was still in the worst condition with approximately two in five dwellings unfit compared with one in ten of the owner occupied stock" (NIHCS 1984, pp24 and 27). The profile for dwellings lacking in at least one basic amenity is similar to that for unfitness although a smaller proportion of amenity deficiency is explained by the owner occupied sector. According to the Housing Executive: "Analysis by tenure shows that in numerical terms the largest number of dwellings lacking amenities were owner occupied but although this accounted for 40 per cent of all dwellings lacking amenites it represented fewer than 7 per cent of the owner occupied stock. The absence of amenities is a much greater problem within the private rented sector where 40 per cent of the stock lacked amenities" (NIHCS 1984, p36). 2

3 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland Deficiencies in repair condition are spread more widely and, although nearly two-thirds of dwellings requiring repair are in the owner occupied sector, there is also a large disrepair problem among Housing Executive properties. As previously indicated disrepair is an increasing problem in all sectors. Between 1979 and 1984 the number of public sector dwellings in a state of disrepair increased by 32%. Some Limitations of the House Conditions Survey One of the aims of this study is to compare housing conditions in the two communities in Northern Ireland and the HCS is not a good tool for such an analysis for a number of reasons. First, the sample size of the HCS (roughly 2 per cent of the total stock) is relatively small and does not provide a big enough sample of public sector dwellings for detailed separate analysis. Consequently, it is not possible to use the HCS to analyse variations in house conditions between Catholic and Protestant areas since no satisfactory regional or area analysis is possible. Secondly, the HCS is primarily geared to an assessment of the proportion of dwellings which are statutorily unfit or lacking in amenities. It is not particularly sensitive to dimensions of disrepair and damage, a problem which unlike unfitness, is common in the public sector. It is the view of the Housing Executive that the HCS is not a good data set for analysing disrepair conditions, assessing repair costs and targetting resources in the public sector. The limitations of the HCS as a data set for the analysis of differences in the conditions of housing in Catholic and Protestant areas is exemplified by Hillyard s 1986 report. Analysing data for 1974 for each district council Hillyard notes: "Catholics comprised a majority in nine district councils...and it can be seen that most of these areas experienced the highest rates of unfitness...only Derry and Down (two of the nine majority Catholic districts) experienced unfitness rates below the average" (Inequalities in Opportunity among Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland: An Exploratory Study of Housing Policy, pp20-21). Comparing 1974 with 1984 Hillyard concludes that "the overall reduction in unfitness was common to most District Councils, but it is difficult to judge whether there was any differential pattern in the reduction between the two communities..." (p21). 3

4 Housing The Public Sector Maintenance Survey In order to overcome some of the limitations of the HCS we have instead analysed data from the Public Sector Maintenance Survey (PSMS) for differences in public sector house conditions between the two communities. The characteristics of the PSMS as a data set and the methodology used in defining Protestant, Catholic and mixed housing has been described in Chapter 1. Additional technical information about sampling arrangements for the PSMS is to be found in Annex 1 which reproduces Appendix 1 from the Housing Executive s report on the survey. It should be recalled that the term mixed housing as used in the analyses below should not necessarily be taken to mean that Catholics and Protestants are living side by side in integrated estates. Estate is a housing management term which in rural areas especially could cover a large geographical area or a collection of remote villages. One part of such a mixed estate may be exclusively Protestant and another part may be exclusively Catholic. For this reason it might be better to think of mixed housing as a residual category made up of those estates which could not be readily allocated to either the Protestant or Catholic group of estates. If we had been able to analyse the data at a unit smaller than the estate, some of these mixed estates would undoubtedly have been amenable to reallocation to either the Protestant or Catholic group. However an analysis of the PSMS using units smaller than estates was not possible. Despite these qualifications the term mixed estates has been retained in the discussion below. In the analyses below we have distinguished between Northern Ireland as a whole, the Belfast Urban Area (BUA), District Towns, and Rural Areas. Table 2.4 shows the distribution of Protestant, Catholic and mixed public sector housing in each of these four geographical sectors. Only in rural areas does the proportion of mixed housing exceed that which can be assigned as Protestant or Catholic. The lowest proportion of mixed housing is in the BUA where less than a fifth of the public sector housing stock can be assigned to this category and where more than half of all housing is in Protestant estates. We are now able to examine the main features of dwellings on Catholic and Protestant estates. Table 2.5 shows that dwellings in Catholic estates are of more recent construction than dwellings on 4

5 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland Protestant estates with almost 4 out of ten of the former as opposed to less than 3 out of ten of the latter having been built after In the Belfast Urban Area (BUA) the public housing stock is of less recent construction when compared with Northern Ireland as a whole (Table 2.6) but the same differences between Catholic and Protestant housing in terms of age profile exists in the BUA. When we look at variations in dwelling type for Northern Ireland as a whole (Table 2.7) we find that the vast majority of Housing Executive properties, more than two-thirds, are houses. Another quarter of the stock is more or less evenly split between bungalows and flats, and other types of dwelling together make up only about 5 per cent of the stock. A higher than average proportion of dwellings on Catholic estates are houses and slightly lower than average are flats. A higher than average proportion of flats are on Protestant estates. In the BUA, as might be expected, flats make up a greater proportion of all dwellings (Table 2.8) but the proportion of houses reflects the rate for Northern Ireland as a whole. An above average proportion of houses are to be found on Catholic estates but in the case of the BUA the proportion of flats in Protestant estates reflects the average. In trying to assess the total maintenance requirement of its housing stock (the primary aim of the PSMS), the Housing Executive considers two main factors. The first factor is the repair condition of the property including both defects in the external shell of the property and internal structure and services such as heating and electrics. Based on a survey of the repair condition, average and total repair costs can be estimated for the dwelling stock. The second factor considered in the PSMS is basic dwelling standard which in the words of the Housing Executive is defined as "the standard of current new building in the public sector". Measures of deficiencies in the basic dwelling standard are used to estimate total and average improvement costs. These two factors and the various elements which constitute them have been used in the analysis of variations in Catholic and Protestant public housing. 5

6 Housing Housing Executive Stock: Repair Condition 1. External Shell Defects Northern Ireland Table 2.9 lists the 20 elements of the external shell of dwellings which were assessed for repair condition in the PSMS and gives an overall rate of disrepair for each. It can be seen that the rate of disrepair exceeds 10% on only three elements, namely, window materials, window finishes and external doors. On eight elements the disrepair rate is below 2%. The distribution of housing as between Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates has been indicated in Table 2.4. That table showed that nearly two thirds of all public sector housing was on segregated estates with about 40% of the total stock being on Protestant estates and about 25% on Catholic estates. When the disrepair rate for dwellings on Catholic, Protestant and mixed estates is compared (Table 2.9) the following conclusions can be arrived at: in Catholic estates the rate of disrepair is higher than the average rate on 18 out of 20 of the elements appraised; on only one element is the rate lower than average. In Protestant estates the disrepair rate is higher than average on seven elements but lower than average on 13 elements. In mixed estates the rate is lower than average on three elements, higher than average on 15 elements and the same on the remaining two elements. The largest variations from the average occur on Catholic estates with higher rates for rain water goods, external doors, panel cladding, refuse facilities and external lighting being particularly noticeable. In Catholic estates disrepair rates of 2% or more are to found on 16 out of the 20 elements. This compares with disrepair rates of 2% or more on 11 elements in Protestant estates and on 10 elements in mixed estates. Catholic estates have defect rates of 5% or more on six elements compared to rates of 5% or more on 4 elements on Protestant estates. Belfast Urban Area Table 2.10 considers the same indicators of disrepair for the BUA and it can be seen that the overall pattern of disrepair is similar to that of Northern Ireland as a whole with levels of disrepair exceding 10% on 6

7 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland the same three items indicated above which have the highest defects rates throughout the Province. Defect rates on two of these items, namely external doors and rain water goods, are above the average for Northern Ireland whereas defects in window materials (the element which everywhere causes the most serious repair problems) are a bit lower than for Northern Ireland as a whole. To take the comparison with Northern ireland as a whole a bit further, whereas in Northern Ireland defect rates of 2% or more were registered against 12 elements, the figure for the BUA is 15; whereas in Northern Ireland as a whole defect rates of 5% or more were registered against four elements, the figure for the BUA is 7. We can conclude that the disrepair problem is more serious in the BUA than in Northern Ireland as a whole. Over 80% of public housing in the BUA is on segregated estates. There is about twice as much housing on Protestant estates as there is on Catholic estates (see again Table 2.4). Differences in levels of disrepair between Catholic and Protestant estates are more marked in the Belfast Urban Area. In Catholic estates in the BUA the disrepair rate is worse than the average on all 20 indicators. In Protestant estates the disrepair rate is worse than average on 3 indicators, better than average on 15 indicators and the same on the remaining 2. In mixed estates, there is a better than average rate on 18 factors and a lower than average rate on the remaining two. To take the comparison between Catholic and Protestant estates in the BUA a stage further, it can be noted that disrepair rates of 2% or moreare to be found on 17 elements in Catholic estates and on 11 elements in Protestant estates; rates of 5% or more are to be found on 14 elements in Catholic estates compared with 6 elements in Protestant estates. It may be useful to pick out some of the areas where the difference between Catholic and Protestant estates is greatest. Defects in window materials affect nearly 1 in three of all houses on Catholic estates but less than a quarter of houses, still however a considerable number, on Protestant estates. Panel cladding is worse in Catholic estates by a factor of more that 3, roof construction and external wall finishes by a factor of more than 2 in each case and external doors have considerably more defects on Catholic estates. While defects to communal areas, that is, the final six items on the list of elements, are a negligible 7

8 Housing problems on Protestant estates, such defects are not uncommon on Catholic estates. District Towns Table 2.11 shows the external shell defect rates for district towns. Of the three elements which everywhere cause the most problems, namely window materials, window finishes and external doors, district towns are a bit worse than average on the first two of these and better than average on the third. In district towns the majority of housing (about 60%) is in segregated estates although, unlike in the BUA, mixed estates account for a higher proportion of the housing than either Catholic or Protestant estates separately (see again Table 2.4). In general, repair problems tend to be worse on the mixed estates than in either Protestant or Catholic estates. For example, the disrepair rate on mixed estates is higher than the average for district towns on ten elements, lower on six and the same on three. In Protestant and Catholic estates the rate is higher than average on 5 and 6 items respectively and lower than average on 11 and 13 elements respectively. However, on none of these elements are the variations from the average particularly large except perhaps for defects to rain water goods in Catholic estates where there is a 3 point variation above the average. Disrepair rates of 2% or more are to be found in 9 elements on Protestant estates, 6 elements on Catholic estates and and 10 elements on mixed estates. Rates of 5% or more were found in 4 elements on both Catholic and Protestant estates, and in 3 elements on mixed estates. All categories of estate exhibited disrepair rates of 10% or more on three elements. We can therefore conclude that in District towns the most noteable feature is the similarity between Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates in relation to external shell defects. Rural Areas Table 2.12 shows the external shell defect rates for rural areas. In rural areas the majority of Housing Executive property is on mixed estates and about one quarter and one fifth is on Protestant and Catholic estates respectively. Rural areas have the same overall pattern of defects to the external shell but the problem is a bit worse on both categories of segregated estate where the defect rate is above the average for rural 8

9 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland areas on 9 elements compared with a rate above the average on 5 elements on mixed estates. Differences from the average are not very large but two deserve mention: the problem of rain water goods on Catholic estates and again on Catholic estates, the problem of external doors. The relative size of these two problems means that although Catholic and Protestant estates have a similar defect profile, the number of elements which register a defect rate of 10% or more is four on Catholic estates but only 2 on Protestant estates. Summary Before moving on to consider the second dimension of disrepair, namely, defects to internal structure and mechanical services, we can summarise the situation in relation to external shell defects. First, there is a serious problem of disrepair in relation to three elements of the external shell of Housing Executive property throughout Northern Ireland. Disrepair on other elements exists but not nearly to the same degree. Secondly, this disrepair problem exhibits itself in a similar fashion throughout Northern Ireland: the overall pattern in rural and urban areas is remarkably similar. Thirdly, for Northern Ireland as a whole the disrepair problem in relation to the external shell of dwellings is considerably worse on Catholic estates. Disrepair is an even bigger problem on Catholic estates in the BUA where elements which are normally problem free throughout the Province begin to register sizeable defect rates. 2 Internal Structure and Mechanical Services Northern Ireland Table 2.13 lists the 22 components of internal structure and mechanical service which were assessed in the course of the PSMS and the defect rate for each component for Northern Ireland as a whole. It can be seen that the major problems, in order of seriousness, are with kitchen fittings, ceilings, bathroom fittings, floors, electrical cables and walls. For none of the remaining fifteen components was the disrepair rate above 5%. When we compare the defect rates in Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates the following picture emerges. In Protestant estates the 9

10 Housing rate is above the average for Northern Ireland for 7 components, below average for 14 components and the same as the average for the remaining component. In Catholic estates the defect rate is above average for 19 components and below average for 3. In mixed estates the defect rate is above average for 4 components, below average for 16 components and the same as average for 2 components. We can therefore say that for Northern Ireland as a whole the defect rate on components relating to internal structure and mechanical services is highest in Catholic estates. Variations from the average are not enormous for any component but the main variations from the average are all in the direction of higher defect rates on Catholic estates. For example, the variations above the average are sizeable for floors, ceilings, internal doors, kitchen fittings, waste pipes, and non electric heating installation. Belfast Urban Area Table 2.14 shows the incidence of disrepair to internal structure and mechanical services for the BUA. Levels of disrepair are a few points higher for nearly all components when compared with the Province as a whole. When Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates are compared, the following picture emerges: in Protestant estates the rates are above average for 7 items, below average for 13 items and the same as average for 2 items; for Catholic estates the rates are above average for 18 items and below average for 4; for mixed estates the rates are above average for only 2 items and below average for 20. It can be seen therefore that levels of disrepair are again higher in the Catholic estates. In the case of the BUA differences from the average are more than sizeable on Catholic estates for a considerable number of components. Some of the greatest differences from the average for the BUA are in the rates for internal doors, bathroom fittings, waste pipes and cables and nonelectric heating installation. Comparing Catholic estates directly with Protestant estates disrepair rates are twice as high in Catholic estates for such items as walls, ceilings, bathroom fittings, waste pipes, flues, and nonelectric heating installation. On many other items differences are less great but still considerable. 10

11 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland In Protestant estates disrepair rates of 2% or higher are recorded against 13 components compared with 15 in Catholic estates and 11 in mixed estates. Rates of 5% or higher are recorded against 8 conmponents in Protestant estates, 13 in Catholic estates and 5 in mixed estates. Rates of 10% or higher are recorded against 5 components in Protestant estates, 9 components in Catholic estates and only 1 component in mixed estates. District Towns Table 2.15 shows the defect rates for internal structure and mechanical service in district towns. The overall pattern of disrepair is similar to that for Northern Ireland but on every component but one, namely cold water storage tanks, defect rates are lower, often by a few percentage points, in district towns than in Northern Ireland as a whole. There are no substantial differences between Protestant, Catholic and mixed housing apart from on two items: dwellings in Catholic estates have a higher than might be expected defect rate for floors which is twice that of the rate in Protestant estates; the defect rate for cold water storage tanks in Catholic estates is remarkably low, in fact, more than five times below the average. Rural Areas The defect rates for internal structure and mechanical services in rural areas are shown in Table It would appear that the defect rates in rural areas are slightly worse than the average for the whole of Northern Ireland but on no component is the difference very large. Once again there are no substantial differences between Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates with the exception that on both types of segregated estates the defect rates for floors and ceilings are larger by a few points than the average for rural areas. Summary The findings in relation to defects to internal structure and mechanical services in Housing Executive property can therefore be summarised in the following way. First, there is a considerable problem of disrepair in Northern Ireland generally. One in 5 of all dwellings are defective in kitchen fittings and approximately one in 10 are defective in floors, 11

12 Housing ceilings, internal doors and bathroom fittings. Defects are in general greatest in Catholic estates. This is particularly the case in the BUA where on some components the defect rate is twice as high in Catholic estates as it is in Protestant estates. In district towns and in rural areas there are no sizeable variations between Protestant, Catholic and mixed housing. 3. Repair Costs On the basis of data collected in the PSMS the Housing Executive has calculated that 21% of all their dwellings require repairs costing over 2500 at 1986 prices. The average repair cost per dwelling was Table 2.17 shows the average repair cost for Housing Executive dwellings in Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates for different geographical areas in Northern Ireland. The repair cost is greatest in the BUA where it is 20% above the average cost for Northern Ireland as a whole. The repair cost in rural areas comes closest to the standard whereas in district towns it is less than the average. For Northern Ireland as a whole the repair cost per dwelling in Protestant estates is 6% below the average of #1699 but in Catholic estates is 31% above the average at #2047 per dwelling. For the BUA the disparity in repair costs between Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates is very large indeed. In Catholic estates the repair cost per dwelling is 57% above the average for the BUA and 90% above the average repair cost for Northern Ireland as a whole. This is to be contrasted with as repair cost per dwelling in Protestant estates in the BUA which is 12% below the average for the BUA and 6% above the average for Northern Ireland. In mixed estates in the BUA the average repair cost is 52% below the average for the BUA. Quantifying repair costs in this way shows again that the burden of disrepair is not evenly spread but falls most heavily on dwellings in Catholic areas. Disparities exist but not nearly to the same extent in district towns. Dwellings on both Catholic and mixed estates have above average repair costs of 9% and 6% respectively whereas on Protestant estates the repair cost is 17% below the average. Only in rural areas do dwellings on Protestant estates have higher repair costs than dwellings on Catholic estates but the difference is not a great one and the repair cost is above average on both types of segregated estates at 9% above 12

13 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland average for Protestant estates and 2% above average for Catholic estates. Housing Executive Stock: The Need for Improvement 1 The Basic Dwelling Standard Having examined the repair condition of public sector housing on two dimensions, namely external shell defects and internal structure and having examined the repair costs associated with rectifying these defects, we now turn to an examination of defects in the basic dwelling standard and to an examination of the improvement costs associated with these defects. The basic dwelling standard as defined by the Housing Executive is a standard which reflects that of current new build in the public sector. It is designed to reflect the level of general provision and amenity and includes factors relating to structural stability, spatial layout and design, and environmental conditions. Definitions of the various elements which make up the basic dwelling standard are given in Annex 2 which reproduces Appendix 4 from the Housing Executive s report of the PSMS. In all, there are twelve elements making up basic dwelling standard and these are listed in Table 2.18 below, which shows the proportion of dwellings defective in these elements for Northern Ireland as a whole. In carrying out the PSMS, surveyors were asked to make an assessment of how the dwelling performed in relation to each of these twelve items. A general comment to be made is that defects in the basic dwelling standard were more common than defects in either the external shell or the internal structure. However it should be obvious that levels of deficiency are relative to the overall standard against which individual dwellings are measured. Clearly it is possible to set a standard so high that very few dwellings would be considered satisfactory. On the other hand the standard could be set at a low level so that a much better picture would emerge. It is therefore important to bear in mind the Housing Executive s view that "the level of provision inferred by the standard is high compared to equivalent housing standards in the private sector." In addition, because the standard reflects the standard of current new build in the public sector 13

14 Housing the Housing Executive is of the view that "the space and design requirements inherent in this standard may not be physically attainable in many older dwellings inherited from local authorities and the Housing Trust or in many dwellings vested from the private sector." Northern Ireland Table 2.18 shows a level of defect in excess of 40% for three elements of the basic dwelling standard: heating, food storage etc., and thermal insulation. Nearly three quarters of all public sector housing is defective on this last element. Defect rates of 10% or more are found on 7 of the 12 items. A quarter of all dwellings have rooms which are arranged in an unsatisfactory manner and one fifth have inadequate space for the designed purpose. Other major problems are dampness, unsatisfactory external environments and unsatisfactory fuel storage and refuse disposal arrangements. Both Protestant and Catholic housing have defect rates of 10% or more on 8 of the twelve elements and of 20% or more on 5 elements. The pattern for mixed housing is similar. However, deficiency in reaching the basic dwelling standard manifests itself on different elements in Protestant and Catholic housing. On the three items which cause the most severe problems, namely, thermal insulation, heating and food storage etc., dwellings on Catholic estates appear to be better than dwellings on either Protestant or mixed estates. This is most obvious in relation to heating defects where there is a difference of ten points between Protestant and Catholic housing. On the other hand, dampness and inadequate external environments are much greater problems on Catholic estates. Nearly 1 in 5 dwellings on Catholic estates have dampness problems and a quarter suffer from environmental problems. The defect rate for the environmental element in Catholic estates in Northern Ireland is nearly twice the average for the Province as a whole. Belfast Urban Area Table 2.19 shows that defects in the basic dwelling standard are not on the whole worse in the BUA than throughout Northern Ireland. To take the 3 items which in general cause the most serious problems: thermal insulation is more of a problem in the BUA but heating and 14

15 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland food storage etc. are less of a problem (even although still sizeable ones). On other elements, dampness and defective environments are bigger problems in the BUA but there are fewer internal and spatial arrangement problems. In the BUA there is however, a greater contrast between Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates than was apparent in the total housing stock, and, in general, housing in Catholic estates has more serious defects. Thus housing in Catholic estates has above average defect rates on 8 elements compared with 5 elements on Protestant estates and 3 on mixed estates. Defect rates of 20% or more are to be found on 8 elements on Catholic estates compared with rates of 20% or more on only 4 elements in Protestant estates. However mixed estates have defect problems of 40% or more on three items compared with equivalent rates in both Protestant and Catholic estates on only one item. Within this overall pattern deficiencies again present themselves in different ways depending on the religious make-up of the estate. Here there are similarities with Northern Ireland as a whole. Thermal insulation, heating and food storage etc. tend to be bigger problems on Protestant than on Catholic estates (but even bigger problems on mixed states), whereas problems of space and internal arrangement are greater on Catholic estates. Dampness and an inadequate environment are very big problems on Catholic estates in the BUA: over a quarter of housing on Catholic estates has a dampness problem and four out of ten dwellings on Catholic estates have environmental problems. It should be noted, too, that on Catholic estates the stability of the superstructure of dwellings is getting to be quite a big problem. District Towns Defects on the basic dwelling standard tend to be less serious in district towns than in Northern Ireland generally. The only exception to this is on the element relating to the storage and preparation of food. However Table 2.20 shows that there are considerable variations in the distribution of defects as between Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates. Mixed estates have higher than average levels of defect on elements which throughout Northern Ireland cause considerable problems, such as spatial layout and internal arrangements, whereas, in contrast to the situation in the BUA, these elements do not present major 15

16 Housing defects on Catholic estates which in fact have rates much lower than the average. In consequence mixed estates have defect rates of 20% or more on 5 elements as compared with 4 elements in Protestant estates and 3 in Catholic estates. Dampness is not as big a problem as in the BUA, and although Catholic estates have a higher defect rate for dampness than other estates, this disparity is by no means a large one. Environmental defects however are still a major problem on Catholic estates in district towns with 1 in 5 dwellings on Catholic estates being unsatisfactory in this repect. Rural Areas In contrast to district towns, defect rates in rural areas tend to be higher than the rates for Northern Ireland as a whole and higher than the rates for the BUA. Table 2.21 shows that defect rates are especially high for heating and for food storage etc. where more than one half of all dwellings are unsatisfactory. Other major problems are inadequate internal room arrangements, affecting more than one third of properties, and spatial layout deficiencies affecting more than one quarter of properties. Problems tend to be less serious on mixed estates. For example, the defect rate is above the average for rural areas on only three elements on mixed estates compared with above average defect rates on 6 elements and on 9 elements in Catholic and Protestant estates respectively. However, in Protestant estates the defect rates for some elements are considerably higher than the average. Internal arrangements are defective in over 50% of dwellings on Protestant estates compared with an average of one third. Heating and food storage etc. problems are worse on Protestant estates as are problems of spatial layout. Summary The patterns emerging from an analysis of defects in basic dwelling standard are not as uniform or as clear cut as the patterns emerging from the analysis of internal and external structural defects and the associated repair costs. In general, defect rates in the basic dwelling standard are high throughout Northern Ireland and in the various geographical 16

17 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland regions in which the analysis has been conducted. They are especially high in rural areas. Throughout Northern Ireland and in all three types of estate major problems are apparent in insulation, heating and food preparation arrangements but major problems of dampness and in the environment exist only in Catholic estates. In the BUA defect rates are higher and for some elements much higher on Catholic estates. In district towns mixed estates have higher defect rates than any other estates but in rural areas Protestant estates have higher than average rates of deficiency especially in relation to internal and spatial arrangements. 2 Improvement Costs Table 2.22 shows the average improvement costs associated with bringing Housing Executive dwellings up to the basic dwelling standard. It can be seen that improvement costs in rural areas are higher than elsewhere and this is associated with the fact that rural areas, and especially Protestant rural areas, have much higher than average defect rates on heating, food storage etc., space and internal arrangements. Defect rates in rural areas are 16% above the average for Northern Ireland, about the same as average in the BUA and 9% below average in district towns. A striking feature of the analysis of improvement costs is the similarity between Protestant and Catholic estates at the Northern Ireland level. However, in Catholic estates improvement costs are higher than the average for Northern Ireland in both the BUA and in rural areas but only in rural areas for Protestant estates and again only in rural areas for mixed estates. The highest improvement costs are however associated with Protestant rural estates which have improvement costs 43% above the average. This compares with improvement costs which are 17% above the average in Catholic estates in the BUA and 14% above average in Catholic estates in rural areas. The Influence of Type and Age of Dwelling So far our analysis has not taken into consideration the influence of factors such as dwelling age and dwelling type in accounting for 17

18 Housing differences thathave been shown to exist in repair condition. In this section we look at the influence of these two items. The above analysis has followed the Housing Executive s terminology in distinguishing between repair condition (and associated repair costs) and basic dwelling standard deficiency (and associated improvement costs). When we consider here the influence of dwelling type and age, we confine our analysis to repair condition only since it was on that dimension that the most consistent differences emerged between Protestant and Catholic housing. In addition we have concentrated below on housing in the BUA where differences between Protestant and Catholic estates with respect to repair condition were most apparent. We want to provide answers to the following questions: could it be that the differences between the repair condition of Protestant and Catholic housing which we have observed in the BUA are related to underlying variations in either the age profile or dwelling type or to some combination of these two factors. In order to examine this question we have compared the average repair costs for Protestant and Catholic housing in the BUA within age bands and for each dwelling type. It will be recalled that average repair costs are arrived at by combining the costs of repairing defects to both the external shell of dwellings and to internal structure. Dwelling Type Table 2.23 indicates the average repair costs associated with the various types of Housing Executive dwelling. Figures are for Northern Ireland as a whole and indicate that repair costs tend to be highest, and above average, for maisonettes and flats and below average for houses and bungalows. It will be obvious then that if it were the case that Catholics were in general more likely to live in maisonettes and flats (with above average repair costs) and Protestants were more likely to live in houses and bungalows (with below or about average repair costs) then we would have a simple explanation of the variations in the repair condition of Catholic and Protestant housing. However, from Table 2.8 we can see that the main difference in the dwelling type profile of Protestant and Catholic housing is that Protestant housing has a greater proportion of flats (in general above average repair costs) than Catholic housing and Catholic housing has a 18

19 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland greater proportion of houses (in general below average repair costs). The proportion of bungalows and maisonettes is about the same in the two religious groups. (Bungalows have below average repair costs and maisonettes generally have exceptionally high repair costs). It might therefore be expected, given this general profile, that Catholic housing, having as it does more houses, fewer flats and about the same proportion of maisonettes and bungalows as Protestant housing, would have a better repair profile than Protestant housing which has fewer houses and more flats. However, as we have shown above, this is not the case. Age Profile Table 2.24 indicates the average repair costs associated with dwellings of different ages for Northern Ireland as a whole. Not surprisingly, dwellings built before 1944 have the highest repair costs and dwellings built after 1971 have the lowest, and also below average, repair costs. However, dwellings built between 1961 and 1971 have higher repair costs than dwellings built between 1945 and In the case of this latter group the repair cost is about average for Northern Ireland but for the 1961 to 1971 group the repair cost is above average. If Catholic housing fell disproportionately within those age bands which had the highest repair costs, then again we would have a possible explanation of variations in the repair condition of Protestant and Catholic housing. We have described the age profile of dwellings in the BUA in Table 2.6 and this Table shows that Catholic dwellings are of more recent construction. More than 40% of Catholic housing in the BUA, but only 25% of Protestant housing, was built after 1971, that is, in the period with the lowest repair costs. The two periods with above average repair costs (pre-1944 and ) have similar proportions of both Protestant and Catholic housing. It might therefore be expected that, since a much higher proportion of Catholic housing is post-1971, and since the post-1971 age-band has repair costs below the average for Northern Ireland, this would mean a better overall repair condition for Catholic housing in the BUA but we know from the above analysis that this is not the case. 19

20 Housing Comparing dwelling type within age bands The average repair cost for a Housing Executive property in Northern Ireland is 1700 and Table 2.25 compares variations from this average repair cost for Protestant and Catholic dwellings within each age band and for four main types of dwelling. (We have ommitted split levels and rural cottages from the analysis as these make up only 1% of all dwellings in the BUA.) We should note some general characteristics of this comparison. Leaving aside bungalows, maisonettes and flats in the pre-1945 period where comparisons are not possible, on only 2 out of the 13 possible comparisons (namely, bungalows and houses in the period ) is the picture for Catholic housing better than that for Protestant housing. On all the remaining 11 points of comparison Protestant housing fares better than Catholic housing. At two points of comparison (bungalows and houses post-1971) there is very little difference between Protestant and Catholic housing and both these categories have lower than average repair costs. Even in both these two categories however, Protestant housing is that bit better than Catholic housing. Furthermore, for Catholic housing the repair costs are more than 100% above the average for 5 different items while there are no occasions on which repair costs for Protestant housing are 100% or more above average. This table also reveals the gravity of the disrepair problem for certain types of Catholic housing and in particular for maisonettes and flats built between 1961 and 1971, for maisonettes built both post-1971 and between 1945 and 1960, and for houses built prior to But it is the magnitude of the difference between Catholic and Protestant housing within these and other categories (such as houses built between 1961 and 1971) which is the most striking feature of the analysis. There are only three categories where a comparison between Protestant and Catholic housing shows insubstantial differences (that is, of 10 percentage points or less). These are in bungalows and houses built post-1971 and in houses built between 1945 and Summary This analysis of dwelling age and type has enabled us to locate the main sources of the variations in housing conditions that exist between Protestant and Catholic housing. Variations between Protestant and 20

21 House conditions in the public sector in Northern Ireland Catholic housing exist in all age bands but the greatest variations are in the age band. Substantial differences are apparent for maisonettes and flats in the post-1971 period and for maisonettes in the period. In all these instances repair costs for Catholic housing are much higher than repair costs for Protestant housing. Only for bungalows built between 1945 and 1960, is Protestant housing substantially worse. Conclusion Grievances about housing inequality were among the main causes leading to the emergence of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland and to the current period of Troubles in For the first time since the creation of a unified housing authority in Northern Ireland we have carried out a systematic analysis of housing conditions on Protestant, Catholic and mixed estates in the public sector using data provided by the Housing Executive. Our analysis has shown that in 1986 there were substantial differences in house conditions on Protestant and Catholic estates. Throughout Northern Ireland, but especially in the Belfast Urban Area, the repair condition of dwellings on Catholic estates is worse than the repair condition of dwellings on Protestant estates. Consequently, average repair costs are much higher on Catholic estates. These imbalances are to some extent offset by an analysis of defects in the basic dwelling standard and associated improvement costs which shows that, while Catholic estates in the Belfast Urban Area again have higher than average defect rates, problems are greatest in rural Protestant estates. In planning its maintenance programmes, the Housing Executive takes into account both the current disrepair profile of its properties and the need for improvement as indicated by observed deficiencies in the basic dwelling standard. Both disrepair and deficiencies in the Standard are therefore important considerations when the Housing Executive makes decisions about how to target resources to the greatest effect. It is not possible to judge whether repair defects should be considered a more serious problem than deficiencies in Basic Dwelling Standard or vice versa but it is worth noting that some aspects of Basic Dwelling Standard deficiency are inherent in the property and may 21

22 Housing therefore (unlike repair defects) be irremediable. The Housing Executive has made the following qualification about Basic Dwelling Standard: The basic dwelling standard as defined reflects essentially the standard of current new building in the public sector. The space and design requirements inherent in this standard may not be physically attainable in many older dwellings inherited from local authorities and the Housing Trust or in many dwellings vested from the private sector. (Housing Executive Public Sector Survey 1985/86 p29) This factor should obviously be taken into account in weighing up the relative importance of defects in repair condition vis-a-vis deficiencies in dwelling standard. It will be obvious that the current condition of Housing Executive property is the legacy of past priorities in targetting maintenance capability. An appreciation of how these priorities are established and of other factors, such as, the constraints under which repair work is carried out, the role of tenants in carrying out repairs, and variations in the opportunities afforded for carrying out maintenance, might deepen our understanding of the empirical differences which have been highlighted in this chapter. 22