Land markets, property led growth and local economic development: lessons from China

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Land markets, property led growth and local economic development: lessons from China J Albert Cao Ramin Keivani Department of Real Estate and Construction Oxford Brookes University Oxford, UK

Based on a research project funded by the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS) and Shui On Holdings Ltd

Contents China s economic drivers Property-led development in the UK/US contexts Methodology The Chinese property-led urban economic growth model Impact on urban planning Impact on urban form and sustainability Impact on housing Conclusions

China s Economic Drivers

Economic Driver 1: Exports

Economic Driver 2: Fixed Asset Investment

Pudong, Shanghai s new-town CBD

Puxi, Shanghai s old-town CBD

World Trade Centre, Beijing s CBD

Financial District, Beijing

Guangzhou s CBD

Offices in Guangzhou

Chongqing s CBD

Chongqing s waterfront

Economic Driver 3: Consumption Total retail sales RMB billion 9000 8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 % 20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

Property-led development in the UK/US context

Property led development Dominated UK/US urban policy since early 1980s Underlying rationale Overcoming market deficiencies to bolster private sector confidence for investment in peripheral/dilapidated locations Means Subsidising private sector investment through various means including loan guarantees, land acquisition, taxation break and infrastructure development Creation of special development quangos, e.g., UDCs Civic boosterism involving direct public investment in major projects

Reasons for wide adoption Economic globalisation, major social, economic and political shifts towards neoliberal perspectives Greatest control by local governments in terms of influencing spatial and local economic development through land use and planning

Major criticisms Large scale and long term public subsidies Limited positive economic impact at the local city level Largely benefiting elite and globally centred economic activities Exclusionary impact on urban governance largely involving global actors and excluding the general population Contributing to property market overheating Negative environmental impacts due to over emphasis on rapid physical development

A more considered approach? The criticisms have led to gradual shifts in urban policy since early 1990s In UK particularly, emphasis has shifted to a plan led approach and more comprehensive policies for wider and more inclusive partnership building

A spreading wave Property led urban growth spreading not only in Europe but also major developing cities of the South during 1990s and 2000s Most prominent cases are perhaps Dubai and Singapore but also stretching from Bangalore to Beijing and beyond

Methodology

First a note on methodology Utilising an institutional approach for the conceptual underpinning of our research Comparative case studies of four main cities: Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Chongqing Detailed archival and documentation research Over 200 field interviews and five focus groups in China

The analytical framework Contextual factors Rules Constitutional Collective Choice Operational Levels of Constitutional Collective choice Operational choice Analysis Choice

The changing context of urban governance: entrepreneurial local government Constitutional level defining rules of promotion and office tenure of officials according to economical achievements measured by GDP Collective choice level defining rules of support, subsidies, streamlined planning approval for preferred sectors Market level taking opportunities offered by local rules, focusing on projects that generate GDP and employment in the short-term

The rise of the local Devolution of power to decide on local development The constitutional level delegated power to local governments to decide on local development since 1992 Enhancing local revenue raising power The central government gave up the right to share land sale receipts in the early 1990s Greater freedom in raising local taxes and fees in the 1990s Local government to order local branches of state banks to lend Soft-budge constraint Spending extra-budgetary revenues Borrowing by state-owned firms to spend on local infrastructure and development Not accountable for repaying the debts

The Chinese property-led urban economic growth model

Public ownership of land and emergence of the urban land market State-ownership of urban land local governments are empowered to manipulate the sale of Land Use Rights (LUR) on state-owned land to engineer economic growth collectively-owned rural land Controlled by the village committee, which is in fact part of the government Subject to compulsory purchase by administrative powers of government Low/delayed compensation Emergence of the urban land market from 1987

Strategic management of cities Planning power: to create site value Selling land: extra-budgetary funds Maximum terms of LURs 70 years (residential), 40 years (commercial), 50 years (Mixed use) Infrastructure and other projects Underground railways Airports Ring roads and other express roads Motorways

Receipts by local governments from land sale Thousand Ha 250 200 150 100 50 RMB billion 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 0

Investment in market property development RMB Billion 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 Percent 200 150 100 50 0 0-50

GDP growth rates for main cities in China

Property and infrastructure developments Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou since 1991 12 million sqm prime office space 7.7 million sqm prime retail space MTR lines 2 lines in Beijing before 1995 Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Chongqing 14 lines in operation 10 lines under construction

Impact on urban planning

% of interviewees unsatisfied with the way the planning system operate

Over-ambition: Chongqing s CBD expansion

Guangzhou s New CBD (the fifth in 50 years)

Intensive competition Guangzhou s clustering of super-malls Teemal: 100,000 sq.m. Grandview Mall: 300,000 sq.m Three other projects offering another 100,000 sq.m Two new projects to offer 100,000 sq.m

Oversupply: Grade A office supply, take-up and vacancy rates in Chongqing

Zhengzhou CBD: city-scale speculation?

% of interviewees who perceived problems in the planning system as serious

Impact on urban form and sustainability

Urban sprawl Note: figure in square kilometres Sources: CNBS (1996); Ministry of Construction (www.cin.gov.cn/statis/city/) *Targets allowed by the central government for master plans up to 2010 ^Targets allowed by the central government for master plans up to 2020

Poor coordination: Major Office Clusters in Beijing

Pollution Beijing s Traffic Jam

Major office clusters in Shanghai

Distorted infrastructural development: Opening up the suburb rather than connecting to the city centre

Trends of population growth and cultivated land decline in China Million Hectars 145 140 135 130 125 120 115 Million People 1400 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 110 800

Impact on housing

Cumulative change of housing prices nationally by REPI35/70

CREIS housing index on Beijing and Shanghai

Falling housing affordability The central government has intervened in 2004, 2005 and 2006 to dampen house price inflation Raising interest rates and mortgage down payments from 20 to 30 percent Require developers to contribute at least 30% of their own equity before qualifying for borrowing MLR restricting land supply to bring order to the uncontrolled residential developments Housing size bigger Housing price higher Rising mortgage interest rate Rising down payment

Impact on social housing provision Concentration on middle to high income demand through market provision Major decline in social housing provision through the Housing Provident Fund, Economic and Decent Housing and Cheap Rented Housing all of which require an element of public subsidy Shanghai only had 13,500 CRH housing in 2005 and Beijing completed vits first purpose built CRH project in 2004 providing 400 units

Sale of Economic and Social Housing stalls Million Sqm 600.0 500.0 400.0 300.0 200.0 100.0 0.0

Investment into commercial housing and Economic and Decent Housing US$ Bn 1600.0 1400.0 1200.0 1000.0 800.0 600.0 400.0 200.0 0.0

Conclusions

Conclusion1 Administrative decentralisation with increasingly powerful local authorities and reform of the land and housing markets have been major drivers for property led growth in China Property led urban development has been pursued as a main pillar of GDP growth with a large measure of success in Chinese cities Nevertheless major issues of concern have arisen as to: Conflicting policy agendas and enforcement of regulations at central and local government levels Uncoordinated and unplanned form of development causing a huge wastage of resources in terms of unnecessary and ill planned development, ineffective planning, loss of arable land and negative social impacts (particularly in social housing provision)

Conclusion2 Much of this is due to the institutional rules and interaction between constitutional, collective choice and operational levels of property led development There is therefore a need for: Clearer rules of operation for enforcement of regulations at local government and market levels with clear penalties for non compliance A shift from property led to plan led urban growth with the property industry being down graded from a pillar to an important industry Instituting more comprehensive measures for assessing cadre performance based on principles of sustainable urban development rather than the current over-reliance on GDP growth