Welfare reform, tenure convergence and housing marginalisation in England

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Welfare reform, tenure convergence and housing marginalisation in England Christina Beatty Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research Sheffield Hallam University and Ryan Powell Department of Urban Studies and Planning University of Sheffield Housing Studies Association Conference, 7 th April 2017 @CBeatty_CRESR @urbanstigma

Overview Commodification, financialisation and the neglect of the local Welfare reform in England Reform of Local Housing Allowance in PRS Tenure convergence and systemic marginalisation Direction of travel

Housing commodification Commodification: subordination of the social use of housing to its economic value Contemporary housing crisis as a conflict between housing as home and as real estate (Madden and Marcuse, 2016, p.4) Since GFC emphasis on political economy of global housing system neglect of the local/national The impacts of the GFC varied by nation: The nature of this uneven process and the mediating forces between national housing systems and external financial developments remain under-theorized (Aalbers, 2016, p.85).

Housing financialisation the increasing dominance of financial actors, markets, practices, measurements and narratives, at various scales, resulting in a structural transformation of economies, firms (including financial institutions), states and households (Aalbers, 2016, p.2). Housing & finance interdependent Drives house price inflation Housing drives economic growth Reliant on mortgages and debt Housing as capital accumulation High returns, short-termism

Financialisation as a general mechanism Financialisation of housing as the general mechanism through which the increasing interdependence of housing and finance can be analysed Low interest rates (money is cheap): Households: expansion of mortgages; bigger mortgages Private landlords: Buy-to-Let boom, new mortgages Developers: high end housing, desirable locations; gentrification Private equity: high quality collateral (HQC) e.g. social bonds more in the system, the higher prices Govt policy BUT financialisation literature centred on sub-prime mortgage crisis; a few exceptions (Kemp, 2015; Fields, 2015; Fields and Uffer, 2016)

Financialisation and welfare restructuring The state is often the driver of financialization processes, for example by pushing families into housing debt, by enabling financial institutions to buy up subsidized housing, or by simply withdrawing from providing or regulating the housing sector and opening up the field to rent-seeking financial institutions (Aalbers, 2016, p.4) Need to focus on interplay between financialisation and state policy Financial deregulation; RTB (SRS > O-O > PRS); 1988 Housing Act; ideology of homeownership; disinvestment in SRS financialisation B2L growth and reliance on PRS tenants exposed to volatility/insecurity Tenancies limited to 12 months by lenders Direct Payments and responsibilisation of tenants HA financing implications HAs dependent on social housing bonds and derivatives.

Trends in tenure, England, 1980 to 2015-16 Sources: 1980 to 1991: DOE Labour Force Survey Housing Trailer 1992 to 2008: ONS Labour Force Survey 2008-09 onwards: English Housing Survey

The neglect of welfare reform Political economy approaches have neglected the actual impacts of welfare cuts Welfare state arrangements as a filter of global structural pressures (Aalbers, 2016) accelerator in England? Complex interdependence between welfare reform (lack of entitlements) and housing financialisation provides for an understanding of contemporary housing marginality

Welfare reform central to British political and policy agendas Welfare reform is not new - underway in previous Labour government A welfare state fit for 21 st Century, 'rights and responsibilities', increased conditionality, making work pay Coalition Government 2010-2015 Major overhaul of welfare system, central to deficit reduction plan, job activation tool Welfare reform synonymous with welfare cuts - 14.5bn Housing Benefit tackled for the first time equate to <20% of cuts Conservative Government 2015-2020/21 - Another major package of reforms - 11.7bn - More Housing Benefit reforms - 10% of cuts + 1.5bn SRS 4 yr 1% rent reduction - Post-2016 change in rhetoric, but no change in reality

Reforms to Local Housing Allowance system for Housing Benefit in PRS April 2011 for new tenants and on renewal plus 9 months transition for existing tenants LHA rates set at 30 th percentile rather than the 50 th Caps LHA rates by property size and 4 bed limit Abolition of 15 excess January 2012 Shared Accommodation Rate (SAR) for single people with no dependent children increased from aged under 25 to under 35 April 2013 link between lower end of market rents (30 th percentile) and LHA rates broken Uprated by CPI from April 2013 1% increase from 2014/15 Four year freeze in uprating of LHA rates from 2016/17 Targeted Affordability Fund for limited areas - by 4% in 2014/15, no uplift in 2015/16 and by 3% in 2016/17 Pre-2015 HB cuts fall primarily on PRS tenants 1.67bn a year by 2015/16 compared with 360m p.a. for SRS 'bedroom tax'

Increased marginalisation due to Local Housing Allowance reforms in PRS 'reduce the levels of rent met by Housing Benefit in expensive areas and apply downward pressure on expenditure more generally. Currently, people can pay high rents in some areas because of the availability of Housing Benefit. These changes will mean that people on benefit cannot choose to live in properties that would be out of the reach of most people in work and will result in a fairer and more sustainable Housing Benefit scheme. They will also begin to address disincentives to work in the current system created by high rates of benefit.' DWP Impact Assessment for LHA, 2010

Spatial marginalisation: LHA rates 2017 relative to 30 th percentile private market rents LHA RATE 2017 Room 1 Bed 2 Bed 3 Bed 4 Bed Central London 140.62 260.64 302.33 354.46 417.02 Inner North London 102.09 257.35 302.33 354.46 417.02 Outer North London 100.76 260.64 302.33 354.46 417.02 Barnsley 58.08 72.72 87.41 99.79 136.93 Grimsby 52.50 75.00 92.05 99.04 129.47 Sunderland 46.35 88.00 97.81 109.32 138.08 % difference from 30th percentile Central London -18-35 -45-51 -58 Inner North London -28-16 -21-29 -30 Outer North London -20-13 -11-12 -11 Barnsley -12-12 -12-21 -23 Grimsby -16-16 -16-13 -10 Sunderland -26-17 -19-17 -15

The marginalised: Young single claimants without children All age groups in PRS affected by general LHA reforms - currently about 1.3m claimants BUT 25-34 only age group affected by increase in age limit for SARs 60,000 PRS HB claimants 25-34 single with no children (5% of all PRS HB and 1% of all PRS households) 140,000 SRS HB claimants <35 single with no children (5% of all SRS HB and 3% of all SRS households)

Sub-group marginalisation: 25-34 year olds with no kids Source: DWP Stat-Xplore; Housing Benefit and Universal Credit

Sub-group marginalisation: 25-34 year olds with no kids London Centre, London Cosmopolitan, London Suburbs

Homelessness due to non-renewal of assured tenancy Source: Department of Communities and Local Government

Increase in temporary accommodation Source: Department of Communities and Local Government

What next: Introduction of LHA in SRS, Benefit Cap, remove entitlement to 18-21 year olds LHA Caps in SRS Caps payments in SRS by property size on basis of LHA rates Shared Accommodation Rate in SRS for the first time (<35 yrs old) Affects new tenants from 2016 But deductions won't come in until 2019 Supported Housing New LAD pot of funding for Supported Housing No SARS for <35s All claimants affected Extension of Benefit Cap from November 2016 London 23,000 ( 15,410 if single, no dep children) Outside London 20,000 ( 13,440 if single, no dep children) Remove automatic entitlement for 18-21 year olds from April 2017

Risks for housing providers Higher rent arears Higher costs of rent collection Reduced rental income for landlords LHA rates in PRS frozen 4 yrs and majority below 30 th percentile Housing providers have to reduce rents by 1% for 4 years LHA system introduced in the SRS introducing affordability checks, pre-tenancy screening Mismatch in supply and demand of properties downsizing property size? shared accommodation? greater churn/voids? need for different/more flexible tenanacies housing management costs? knock on effect of LHA in SRS for <35 year olds and over 65 year olds? displacement out of certain properties and areas? Uncertainty around development plans

Direction of travel? Global processes contributing to marginality are similar but outcomes take multiple forms (e.g. state policy) Housing financialisation (uneven process) and welfare cuts as key drivers of housing marginality today Blurring of tenures English HAs are increasingly entangled in a web of debt and derivatives (Aalbers, 2016, p.131) In order to understand marginalisation focus on: spatial impacts sub-groups - by age, household type, availability of housing supply (shared accommodation)

Key references Aalbers, M. (2016) The Financialization of Housing: A Political Economy Approach. London: Routledge. Beatty, C. and Fothergill, S. (2013) Hitting the Poorest Places Hardest: The Local and regional Impact of Welfare Reform. Sheffield: Sheffield Hallam University. Cole, I. (2006) 'Hidden from history? Housing studies, the perpetual present and the case of social housing in Britain' Housing Studies, 21(2), pp.283-296. Cole, I. and Furbey, R. (1994) The Eclipse of Council Housing. London: Routledge. Copley, T. (2014) From Right to Buy to Buy to Let. London: GLA. Department for Work and Pensions (2010) DWP Impact Assessment - Housing Benefit: Changes to the Local Housing Allowance. London: DWP. Fields, D. (2015). Contesting the financialization of urban space: Community organizations and the struggle to preserve affordable rental housing in New York City. Journal of Urban Affairs, 37(2), 144-165. Fields, D., & Uffer, S. (2016). The financialisation of rental housing: A comparative analysis of New York City and Berlin. Urban Studies, 53(7), 1486-1502. Ginsburg, N. (2005) 'The privatization of council housing', Critical Social Policy, 25(1), pp.115-135. 21

Jacobs, K. and Manzi, T. (2013a) 'New localism, old retrenchment: The "Big Society", housing policy and the politics of welfare reform', Housing, Theory and Society, 30(1). pp.29-45. Jacobs, K. and Manzi, T. (2013b) 'Modernisation, marketisation and housing reform: The use of evidence based policy as a rationality discourse', People, place and Policy Online, 7(1). Online journal. Kemp, P. (2015) Private renting after the Global Financial Crisis,Housing Studies, 30(4), pp.601-620. Kennett, P., Forrest, R. and Marsh, A. (2013) 'The global economic crisis and the reshaping of housing opportunities', Housing, Theory and Society, 30(1), pp.10-28. Madden, D. and Marcuse, P. (2016) In Defense of Housing. London: Verso. Morrison, N. (2016) Institutional logics and organisational hybrity: English housing asociations diversification into the private rented sector, Housing Studies, 31(8), pp.897-915. Powell, R. (2015) Housing Benefit Reform and the Private Rented Sector in the UK: On the Deleterious Effects of Short-term, Ideological Knowledge, Housing, Theory and Society, 32(3), 320-345. Rolnik, R. (2013) Late neoliberalism: the financialization of homeownership and housing rights, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 37(3), pp.1058-1066. Schwartz, H. M. and Seabrooke, L. (Eds) (2009) The Politics of Housig Booms and Busts. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. 22