Reform of the land compensation rules: How much could it save on the cost of a public-sector housebuilding programme?

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Reform of the land compensation rules: How much could it save on the cost of a public-sector housebuilding programme? Briefing note: March 2018 Daniel Bentley An important part of the response to the current housing situation needs to be a bigger role for public-sector housebuilding. While market provision has steadily increased since the last recession and net supply across all tenures hit 217,000 in 2016/17, that was still little more than two-thirds of the way towards the government s target of 300,000 a year and further growth will be easily knocked off course by an economic downturn and/or a fall in house prices. Annual construction of 300,000 units a year has not been achieved since localauthority building went into decline from the early 1970s. Making up this shortfall with an affordable building programme of in the region of 100,000 homes a year would require significant upfront capital investment to which ministers, despite occasional promises of a rebirth of council housing, 1 seem reluctant to commit. Such an approach would also require councils to acquire substantial volumes of land, their access to which is currently limited. In a recent survey asking local authorities about the obstacles preventing them from directly delivering new housing, the most common response was lack of land, closely followed by lack of funding. 2 This note considers the scale of investment that might be required but also the extent to which the costs could be minimised through fundamental reform of the land market. Enabling councils to purchase land, before planning permission has been granted, at prices closer to existing-use value would result in substantial savings, reducing the cost of each unit built and thus enabling more to be built within any given funding envelope. This, which was the basis on which the new town programmes of the post-war years were conducted, is possible because of the very large differences in the value of a plot of land depending on the use to which it is put. For instance, in 2015 residential land in England (outside London) was worth an estimated 2.1 million per hectare (ha) on average in agricultural use the same piece of land would be worth in the region of 21,000/ha, while a brownfield site in industrial use would be worth 514,000/ha. The residential value of the land reflects the market value of the homes that can be built on that land (minus construction costs and the developer s margin). The landowner s entitlement to that residential value is enshrined in case law and legislation dating back to 1 Jessica Elgot, Theresa May to unveil plan for rebirth in council housing in conference speech, The Guardian, 4 Oct 2017: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/oct/04/theresa-may-to-unveil-plan-for-rebirth-in-council-housing-in-conferencespeech 2 Janice Morphet and Ben Clifford, Local authority direct provision of housing, RTPI, 2017: http://rtpi.org.uk/media/2619006/local-authority-direct-provision-of-housing.pdf

Reform of the land compensation rules 2 the 1961 Land Compensation Act, which determines that the price paid for land compulsorily-purchased by the state must reflect any prospective use to which it could be put. This prevents local authorities from purchasing land before planning permission is granted at anything less than its residential value. 3 If, on the other hand, land could be acquired at a value which excluded a potential future planning consent, greenfield sites could be purchased at something like a hundredth of the cost, brownfield sites at approximately a quarter but varying a great deal according to the location. This note considers only the savings that could be made on a public-sector building programme. Were land to be acquired in this way and then sold on to developers for market housing, the uplift could be invested in local infrastructure (or indeed channelled elsewhere). Previous research has indicated that this could raise in the region of 9 billion a year (in addition to existing developer contributions via Section 106 and the Community Infrastructure Levy). 4 But the focus here is on how much cheaper a large-scale affordable housebuilding programme could be if the land compensation rules were amended. In practice, new developments should combine both market and affordable housing. Inevitably the savings would vary not only in terms of the location but according to the precise specifications of each scheme, and all of the assumed costs are necessarily estimates based on hypothetical schemes. The following examples are therefore purely illustrative of the potential should the land acquisition costs be reduced while construction costs (labour, materials etc) are held constant. Two types of scheme are described: estate housing on agricultural land as might be typical of urban extensions, garden villages and new towns outside of London; and, in London, higher density apartment blocks which are assumed to be built on ex-industrial brownfield land. The major variable is in the price of the land. With planning consent for residential use, this can range from 4-5m/ha in high-demand areas of the South East (and much higher still in London) to as little as 300,000/ha in remoter and more northerly locations. With agricultural land tending to be valued in the range of just 20-30,000/ha across all regions of the country, the increase in value from a change of use to residential is therefore usually substantial but very much more in some areas where housing is relatively more expensive than others. What this means is that a public-sector building programme is very much more expensive to undertake, in terms of the upfront capital costs, in those areas where market housing is already most expensive and so sub-market affordable provision is most essential. This catch-22 is bypassed under the land reform that is proposed. Estate housing on greenfield land We imagine a development of 40 homes per hectare, with half of those two-bedroomed properties of 66sq.m. and the other half three-bedroomed properties of 77sq.m. Based on construction costs, fees and contingencies coming to 1,625/sq.m., as well as opening up infrastructure costs (for the installation of drainage, landscaping etc) 225,000/ha, this scheme comes to 4.9m/ha, or an average of 121,813 per unit. While construction costs 3 For a full discussion of the legal framework and the case for reform see Daniel Bentley, The Land Question, Civitas, 2017: http://www.civitas.org.uk/content/files/thelandquestion.pdf 4 Thomas Aubrey, Bridging the Infrastructure Gap, Centre for Progressive Capitalism, 2016: http://progressivecapitalism.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/bridging-the-infrastructure-gap-june-2016.pdf

Reform of the land compensation rules 3 may vary to some extent by region, the variations are not likely to be significant in the context of our calculations and so we hold that constant by region (except in London, which we explore separately below). To undertake this scheme in the South East, the cost of the land might be 4.4m/ha on top of the development costs of 4.9m/ha, bringing total scheme costs to 9.3m/ha or 233,000 per unit. Each 100m invested in such schemes in this region could be expected to provide 430 homes (half two-bed, half three-bed). If instead the land was purchased at, say, its agricultural value plus 50 per cent, the land cost would fall to 33,000/ha. Total scheme costs would be almost halved to 4.9m/ha, or 123,000 per unit. Each 100m investment would now buy 815 homes. It is in the South East, where land values are highest, that there is most scope to reduce the potential outlay. Where house prices are lower, land values are too and the savings become less substantial. In the East Midlands, for example, the land value might only be 1.6m/ha and the total scheme costs therefore 6.5m/ha, or 163,000 per unit. That means a 100m investment secures 614 new homes in the status quo compared with 815 in a reformed land market. That amounts to a saving of 1.6m/ha or 40,000 per unit. Table 1: Estimated costs of 40 housing units per hectare by region, under alternative land compensation arrangements Region Current land compensation rules Revised land compensation rules Land/ha Total costs/ha Per unit Land/ha Total costs/ha Per unit Saving per unit South East 4,440,000 9,312,500 232,813 33,000 4,905,500 122,638 110,175 East 3,930,000 7,162,500 220,063 36,000 4,908,500 122,713 97,350 South West 2,120,000 6,992,500 174,813 31,500 4,904,000 122,600 52,213 West Midlands 2,290,000 7,162,500 179,063 36,000 4,908,500 122,713 56,350 East Midlands 1,645,000 6,517,500 162,938 34,500 4,907,000 122,675 40,263 North West 1,990,000 6,862,500 171,563 33,000 4,905,500 122,638 48,925 Yorks & Humber 1,280,000 6,152,500 153,813 31,500 4,904,000 122,600 31,213 North East 915,000 5,787,500 144,688 24,000 4,896,500 122,413 22,275 Multi-storey apartments on brownfield in London In London land values and development costs are in a different league to most of the rest of the country. So too is the pressure to optimise the use of whatever land is made available for new housing. Here, then, we imagine a different type of scheme consisting of mid-to-high rise complexes of one-, two- and three-bedroomed flats. Two densities are considered, one of 200 units per hectare which might be more typical in inner London and one of 100 units per hectare which might be more typical in outer London. The land here is assumed to be ex-industrial brownfield, and so clearance costs of about 1m/ha are factored in. The higher-density 200-unit scheme is expected to have construction costs of 3,770/sq.m. (including professional fees, external works and contingencies), putting the total development costs at 46.9m/ha. With inner London land costs factored in, too in Wandsworth, for example, we might be looking at 29.3m/ha we might expect total scheme costs of 76.2m, or an average of 381,000 per unit. Each 100m invested in schemes such as this might secure 262 units. If the land could be purchased at its industrial value plus 50 per cent at 4.1m this would reduce the total scheme costs to 51m and the average cost per unit to 255,000. Now each 100m would buy 392 new flats a 50 per cent increase.

Reform of the land compensation rules 4 The lower-density 100-unit scheme is expected to have construction costs of 2,730/sq.m. (again including professional fees, external works and contingencies), bringing the total development costs to 17.7m/ha. With outer London land costs factored in, too in Barnet, for example, we might be looking at 17.8m/ha we can expect total scheme costs of 35.5m/ha, or an average of 355,000 per unit. Each 100m invested in schemes such as this might secure 282 units. If, again, the land could be purchased at its industrial value plus 50 per cent this would reduce the total scheme costs to 21.8m/ha and the average cost per unit to 218,000. Now each 100m would buy 459 new flats a 63 per cent increase. Table 2: Estimated costs of apartment housing per hectare, London, under alternative land compensation arrangements Scheme Inner London - 200/ha Outer London - 100/ha Current land compensation rules Revised land compensation rules Land/ha Total costs/ha Per unit Land/ha Total costs/ha Per unit Saving per unit 29,335,000 76,220,500 381,103 4,099,500 50,985,000 254,925 126,178 17,783,000 35,447,750 354,478 4,099,500 21,764,250 217,643 136,835 Discussion The savings to be made if land was acquired at values excluding future planning permission would be considerable in most parts of the country but clearly much higher in London and the Greater South East. How many additional units could be built under a reformed land compensation framework is contingent not only on the savings that could be made on the cost of the land but on the costs of construction. The calculations made here are illustrative only, based on schemes that are hypothetical but not untypical for each locality. Construction costs will vary from scheme to scheme, and those cited here are best estimates based on a range of sources. With those caveats in mind, it is apparent that the effect of such an approach would be to broadly standardise the cost of building affordable housing across different parts of the country, so that it is little more expensive to build homes in the South-East, where house prices are most high, than it is in areas where they are lower. While construction costs tend to be higher in London, particularly for the sort of schemes that are more typical there, the reduced land costs again minimise the expense of building new units in the highest-price areas. In other words, the cost of the land needed for affordable housebuilding would not become relatively more expensive due to the very thing that renders affordable housebuilding necessary: the high cost of market housing. What would this look like on a larger scale, if the suggested costs of these hypothetical schemes were scaled up to a major public-sector building programme overseen by local authorities and/or development corporations? Clearly this would depend on the regional distribution of development, but it would be logical for this to be heavily concentrated in the the Greater South East, where housing pressures are most acute. Supposing a building programme of 100,000 homes a year, let us assume that there would be 20,000 a year in London 10,000 in inner boroughs, 10,000 in outer boroughs. Outside London, the homes could be built in a series of new towns, garden villages and urban extensions, with 25,000 a year each in the South East and the East of England, 10,000 a year each in the South West and West Midlands, and 2,500 a year each in the East Midlands, North West, Yorkshire and Humber, and North East.

Reform of the land compensation rules 5 Using the figures modelled above, such a programme would come to about 23.5bn if the land was acquired at residential use values under the current compensation rules. After the reforms envisaged here, the cost of this programme would drop to 14.5bn a saving of 8.9bn. Again, these are not meant to be definitive figures, but purely illustrative of the kind of savings that could be made based on the assumptions used and the hypothetical schemes imagined. Table 3: Estimated costs of a 100,000-home public building programme, under alternative land compensation arrangements Cost - current Cost - revised Region Units Savings rules rules Inner London 10,000 3,811,025,000 2,549,250,000 1,261,775,000 Outer London 10,000 3,544,775,000 2,176,425,000 1,368,350,000 South East 25,000 5,820,312,500 3,065,937,500 2,754,375,000 East 25,000 5,501,562,500 3,067,812,500 2,433,750,000 South West 10,000 1,748,125,000 1,226,000,000 522,125,000 West Midlands 10,000 1,790,625,000 1,227,125,000 563,500,000 East Midlands 2,500 407,343,750 306,687,500 100,656,250 North West 2,500 428,906,250 306,593,750 122,312,500 Yorks & Humber 2,500 384,531,250 306,500,000 78,031,250 North East 2,500 361,718,750 306,031,250 55,687,500 Total 100,000 23,481,425,000 14,538,362,500 8,943,062,500 Assumptions All of the land values used here are based on DCLG s Land value estimates for policy appraisal, December 2015. 5 This is the latest such publication; it is likely that land values in many areas will have evolved since then but not dramatically. 6 The values used are approximations based on residential land values in across a variety of locations in each region. The figures should be regarded as illustrative of the general magnitude of increases in value between the different use categories. The price paid for land under a revised compensation framework has been calculated at existing use value plus 50 per cent. It is important that landowners should receive fair values for their land, with compensation set generously in proportion to its worth prior to any prospective planning permission. A 50 per cent premium should be more than sufficient to allay potential concerns about the expropriation of existing assets. The development scenarios modelled above are hypothetical schemes thought to be broadly typical for the locations. Clearly there are any number of alternative potential permutations. It might be assumed that the scope for higher-density schemes would increase the residential land values quoted, while lower-density schemes would reduce them. Construction costs are estimates based on information gathered from a variety of sources, including individuals with direct knowledge and experience of recent schemes. Professor Pat 5 DCLG, Land value estimates for policy appraisal, December 2015 6 On the recent trajectory of land values, see UK residential development land, Savills, January 2018: http://pdf.euro.savills.co.uk/uk/market-in-minute-reports/uk-residential-development-land-january-2018.pdf

Reform of the land compensation rules 6 McAllister s modelling of development costs and viability has also been of great assistance. 7 Basic construction costs are assumed to be 2,900 per sq.m. on the high-density inner London scheme, 2,100 per sq.m. on the medium-density (100 units per hectare) outer London scheme, and 1,250 per sq.m. on the greenfield, estate housing schemes outside the capital. Additional costs for professional fees, contingencies and abnormal costs have then been factored in, in addition to assumed clearance costs for the brownfield schemes and opening up infrastructure costs for the greenfield schemes. All of these development costs might be higher or lower on any given scheme; the higher they are relative to land values then the fewer additional homes that could be built out of the savings made on land acquisition; the lower they are, the more additional homes that could be built. 7 Pat McAllister, Planning for the right homes in the right places: consultation proposals - Consultation on further measures set out in the housing white paper to boost housing supply in England

Author Daniel Bentley is editorial director at Civitas, where he has worked since 2013. Prior to that he was political correspondent at the Press Association. He is the author, most recently, of The Land Question: Fixing the dysfunction at the root of the housing crisis (2017). His previous housing papers include Finding Shelter: Overseas investment in the UK housing market (with David Green, 2014), The Future of Private Renting: Shaping a fairer market for tenants and taxpayers (2015), The Housing Question: Overcoming the shortage of homes (2016) and Building Homes Faster? A commentary on the government s plans for increasing the pace of development (2017). He can be emailed at daniel.bentley@civitas.org.uk and tweets @danielbentley. 55 Tufton Street, London SW1P 3QL T: 020 7799 6677 E: info@civitas.org.uk is an independent think tank which seeks to facilitate informed public debate. We search for solutions to social and economic problems unconstrained by the short-term priorities of political parties or conventional wisdom. As an educational charity, we also offer supplementary schooling to help children reach their full potential and we provide teaching materials and speakers for schools. Civitas is a registered charity (no. 1085494) and a company limited by guarantee, registered in England and Wales (no. 04023541).